Hre Mang's Writings

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2009-05-20T15:10:00.000-05:00

2008 Chin National Day message

2008-02-18T11:55:00.001-06:00

Chin National Day
Feb 20th 2008.

Today is a historic day, a day when our forefathers came together in Unity, to shake off our ill national history and re-designed it in favor of the interest of the majority of the Chin people, abandoning the political system introduced by the British-western style ancient feudalism. Hence, our forefathers, gathering together at the Falam City, came together in Unity for social change, change from the division of the society-the rulers and the ruled- to a societal pattern with equal status of all members of the society, equal distribution and equal access of public resources and opportunities, such as land and opportunity-opportunity to hold public offices and to become administrators and leaders of the community based on individual’s citizenship and membership to the society. In short, to day is a historic day, when our forefathers ever established a Democratic rule in the Chin society.

Affirming and declaring our agreement and commitment to follow after the collective decision and footstep of our forefathers, today, Chin people around the world celebrate the Chin National Day. By celebrating this day, we the Chin people declare to the world about our existence and principles of human relation within ourselves as well as to the people of other ethnic groups and nations that we are peace loving people with respect for others, entrenched with the principles of justice and equality of all human beings.

Today, our people face enormous social and political challenges that each Chin adult has national responsibility and obligation to take care of one’s own share, if we are to keep up the progress of the Chin people’s civilization against all odds and threats. Nevertheless, the future is certainly brighter as long as the Chin people will do each of their own historical shares.

Politically, we have been deceived, betrayed and oppressed by the Burmese military regime that our forefathers’ conditional agreement with the Burma leaders to build together a union country called “Union of Burma” is forgotten and totally destroyed. Now, our birth rights have been being abused every day, and our national freedom under attacked at gun points. But human history teaches us a lesson that no empire ever existed forever or no colony last for millennium. Therefore, learning a tragic lesson from the misbehaviors of the Burmese military leaders, we the Chin people have to stand committed to keep our history save from the intruder’s destructive game. Lets all say together, “We all are committed to follow the footsteps of our forefathers to write our own national history and keep our national freedom untouched.”

Under the brutal Burmese military rule, the Chin people’s socio political and economic development is blocked, hindered, and ignored. Our freedom is taken away and our rights being abused everyday. The Burmese military leaders’ systematic Burmanization policy has tried to terminate the flow of the historical political trend of the Chin people by subduing it under the “Burma” national identity.

Historical waves may sometimes push us down on the road but lets steadfast and stand together and firmly hold what we believe that our future national history rest upon our commitment.. We, the Chin people have historical records of bravery, hard working, honesty and integrity and obedience to the God of the universe who will always be faithful to hear the prayer and dreams of our people.

Blessings in disguise, now, there are more than 100 young Chin students in North America, pursuing their higher level studies and thousands more around the globe. From inside the country, every educational opportunity for our young children to study abroad with scholarships and special opportunities are all taken away by the military leaders for their family members and children of their party men. The economic hardship and administrative process blocked all educational as well as professional opportunities for our children. Therefore, it is impossible for poor young student to go to abroad for further studies. But the God of the Chin people has opened doors for our young generation in many different ways. There is a greater and brighter hope for the future generation that our people from around the globe will help each other in channeling educational opportunities and resources through social networking whether formerly or informally. Nothing can prevent the God of the Chin people from blessing this generation to meet His expectation.

Now, where once there were no single Chin student, Chin students of North America, with more then hundred students, has student organization called Chin Student Union of North America (CSUNA) which focuses on student activities and educational development, reaching Chin students of different parts of the world and encouraging further organization of regional and continental Chin student organization a round the world, connecting Chin students inside and outside Burma. The Burmese military regime might able to control the political system at gun point, but it is obviously proven that they cannot stop the God of our people from blessing our people with opportunities and resources to advance knowledge and access to the world outside. It is historically proven that the shape and image of our national history rest upon our own action. We might be beaten up and stopped from managing our own national course, but they cannot stop our committed souls to uplift our national moral integrity and national image in the face of the universe. Our national history depends on our own choice of action.

Choosing the greater goods of all fellow citizens, my fellow generation, we have to fight against, not only the military regime, but also our own destructive social, political, and religious evils. Today, what we face as the most destructive elements in the society are not “bad things” in the minds of those who uphold those principles and carry out their action to satisfy their human curiosity. For example, those Burmese military leaders were once patriots of the nation and the Burma military institution was initially started from Burma Intemperance Army (BIA) who successfully fought against the British colonization and freed the country. What was gone wrong with the Burmese military leaders can also happen again to people who oppose them from a higher ground now. In order to prevent such historical nightmare repeating within our own society, we have to stand together and fight against the root causes of such social political evils from the hearts and minds of this generation. In order to do that, we all citizens of today’s generation, students, formers, workers, politicians, religious leaders, and all members of the society have to get involve. If we do not fight against our social political evils, our celebration is doom at its face value. That means we will always celebrate the past but without future hope.

My dear fellow citizens, let me remind you one thing. Respect and honor of the people cannot be earned by force or by means of social political evils. Some might have thought that way and used guns and arms to earn respect and submission from the people, but in vain. Others might have cultivated social political evils to grasp opportunity but in return receives the opposite of their inspiration, shooting their own shoes during such critical historical moment and weakening the Chin national political force. Without the spirit of our forefathers, moral integrity and honesty, unity and humanly consideration for others’ interest, the celebration of the Chin National Day is a mock and insult to our forefathers. Therefore, whoever celebrates this Day, whether Chin or friend, lets do with the spirit of our forefathers, the Chin patriots of the past.

It is not guns, money, or any foreign agent, but our people’s unchallenged bond of brotherhood with the spirits of our forefathers that will prevail against all odds of historical challenges. As we celebrate this Day, let’s examine ourselves, have we forsaken our own selfish interest that stands against the collective interest of our people? Have we defeated the contemporary social political evils of our society? Are our souls really free to deliver freedom to our people? Are we still enslaved by our own fear, selfish ambition, immorality, and ignorance? We live in a period of the time context of history that is unique in its advancement, changes, challenges, and trend that if we are to win the war and crown our future with glory, we need to play within its time context and historical relevancy.

My dear fellow citizens, finally, I would like to salute to the fallen forefathers who have paid the price for our national history and my fallen fellow citizens of “8888” generation who have lost their lives while fighting for the peace and freedom of our people.

May God Bless you all! God Bless Chin people!

Thanks,

Hre Mang

Financial Topics: Retirement Pension Plan, Income Tax

2008-01-19T15:03:00.000-06:00

2007 Income TAX Filling: CLICK TO WATCH VIDEO CLIP

Retirement Pension Plan: CLICK TO WATCH VIDEO CLIP

THE MORAL CHECK!

2007-12-07T12:31:00.000-06:00

After I wrote articles, “The Great Disruption to Chin Society,” “The Moral Test” and other social and moral issues related to the Chin people, I have been observing the moral trend of the Chin people, especially those Chins in exiles. One way to observe is by reading writings and expression on the nets, group mails and accessed personal mails, and by observing the people movement for political, social, and economic reason. My conscience is alerted by the severity of the impact of the moral decay of the Chin people, especially when those moral derail is seriously affecting the mindsets of the young generation. Here are some points, I would like to discuss as follows:

Religion:

After 100 years of Christianity, the Church has gone dumb and too traditional, almost missing the mark of the spirit of the letters of the Bible. There is an outstanding historical call for spiritual revival and reformation. The Chin Christianity needs both structural as well as spiritual reformation: structurally ill and old fashion must be reformed to match with the contemporary social context and history challenges, to open spaces for young generation for social, spiritual, and intellectual endeavor, etc.; spiritually, the Chin people’s religion becomes now so much traditional, missing the original mark of the spirit of the letters of the Bible that the Chin people’s Christianity becomes like a temple religion that has no or minimal impact and has no control over the Chin people’s day today decision makings, whether in regards to social, political or moral issues. That the Church appears to be unable to provide efficient moral ground and the basis of her member’s reasoning for their day to day decision making of social, political, and personal issues. By now, the impact and influence of the Chin people’s ancient tradition moral regime force is fading away that the Church has to replace it with Christian principles for her members’ day today decision makings, uplifting the Chin people are God fearing, honest, faithful, truthful, and respectable in the face of the universe.

Example moral issues:

Virginity/marriage: Before, Christianity was introduced among Chins, the traditional moral value system controlled the society that people were submissive to the collective moral norms of the society. That people’s moral behaviors were controlled under the commonly acceptable practices. Mostly, marriage was conducted under both parents’ agreement as well as by the approval of the society. Now, virginity rate, according to Hre Mang’s mock poll and from outside observation, is down to 20% to 30% of total adult population. Of course, the number is arguable. And marriage, no longer concerns to the society or in many place parents has no longer a say for their children’s marriage. Living together, extra marital sexual practices are common to many Chins, especially in exiles.

Abortion: Aborting child, during the traditional period before Christianity, would be considered equal to killing a living being, “murder” (tual that). But would anyone be surprised if we say only 30 to 40 % adult Chins against women’s abortion rights? More than the number, the question is who or what controls the Chin people’s moral decision making? Where is their submission, to God, to society, or to the evil spirit, or to government? There is no government political system that dictates the moral behaviors of the people. Here is the challenge, how do the Chin people, as a group of people with collective moral norms, decide what is good and wrong? What is their moral basis and ground of reasoning?

Lies vs. truthfulness: There is a saying, “When money is gone, nothing is lost, but when character is gone, everything is lost.” Can we find a faithful Chin, whose mind never been contaminated by any short of lie and corruption? Religious leaders in their fundraising, administration, travel, membership campaign, and when talking about their rival church; politicians when raising fund, campaigning for political supports, marginalizing their rivals/enemy, obtaining travel documents, other documentation, trying to convince general public, and when trying to maintain social status in their exiles; refugees, when trying to obtain their social and legal status in their place of refuge; businessmen and women, when dealing with government, transporting goods, dealing with customers and clients, would there be someone who would always stand for the truth but for the truth? Would there be any young man or woman whose mind never been contaminated and never been influenced by hatred, lies, half truth, twisted facts, distorted history, and who would stand for the truth but for the truth at all cost? Where is now the Chin people’s traditional glory, the glory inherited by our forefathers due to their truthfulness and moral integrity? Where is the beauty of the people’s human souls? Is Christianity weaker than the Chin people’s traditional animist religion to impose quality moral principles to the Chins to maintain the dignity of our people?

National politics: Let’s say “modern era” for the Chin when referring to period after 1948, Burma independent. Before the modern era, the Chin tribal were killing each other, there were no Union Chin Country or no centralized political administrative system. Since, the independent, during the people conference at Falam, the Chin leaders have declared Oneness in Chin, to have a kind of democratic centralized political administrative system. Unfortunately, the military cope interrupted the progress of the Chin people’s tribal melting process. Now, we are in the making of Oneness in Chin; the identity itself is now challenged some by who identified as themselves Zomies, some as Kukies, and some as Mizoies. Unless change intervenes timely, the return of tribal lines increases its impacts that social, religion, and political forces are fragmented that could be manipulated by the Burmese regime to hurt the central ethnic nerve-shell of the Chin people.

The hatred campaign against other tribesmen, overwhelmed the hearts and minds of many young generation and if they are skillfully and rudely cultivated, they could be elevated at the level of tribal war or comparable to tribal war in value damage that self victimization and political suicidal will eventually put the Chin people’s national political trend under the total control of the Burmese military dictators. In such situation, tribes and tribes or party and parties will compete each other to please the Burmese military regime for opportunities, while killing each other and assassinating leaders of the rival tribes.

Have anyone seen such trend elavating among Chins?

Have we all become fatherless?

This is a challenge to young generation Chins:

# Will you join the hatred campaign against your own brethren to serve the interest of a group of people/ party/tribesmen?

# Will you allow your minds be contaminated and polluted with hatred and regional feeling that will eventually impaired your intellectual capacity to judge what is universally wrong or right, lacking sound judgmental capacity?

# Will you stand together with other honest and prudent citizens against today’s social political evils that consume the beauty of the souls of our leaders and ordinary fellow Chins? Or will you be consumed by it?

# Will you slumber, lazy, easy goers, to fall asleep under the pressure of today’s immorality and impurity against the beauty and moral integrity of our forefathers, and against the principles of our national religion?

The choice is yours!

2007 Chin New Year Thucah

2007-12-06T20:37:00.000-06:00

2007 Chin New Year Thucah

Atlanta, Sept.2007

The Great Disruption to Chin Society

2007-11-20T12:19:00.000-06:00

The Great Disruption to Chin Society

May 2006

It has been around the world that the post modern culture shaped the modern socio cultural norms, reshaping the global social order and threatening the survival of tradition and permanent culture without guaranteeing replacement with systematic and perfect social order. Being among backward and least developed societies, the Chin society has recently undergone dramatic disruption to its social order and value system, restructuring itself with mixed norms and socio cultural practices which leaves many ignorant civilians in limbo, and the collective moral trend in cripple stage. The impacts of contemporary world order, globalization, change in socio economic trend, ongoing Chin political condition, and the recent mass movement of the Chin people, all together shape the existing social order, introducing the uncertain social environment. Most of the driving factors appeared to be beyond the control of social actors, politicians, religious leaders and leaders of the Chin communities, although giving social awareness to conscious citizens may still worth at least some extent to the preservation of the invaluable social tenets for the longtime survival of the Chin cultural identity. Having said that for the sake of self-reflection and public social awareness, lets look at some important factors and their contribution to the great disruption to Chin society.

The incomplete social cultural transition: traditional to Christianity and church’s failure to maintain its claimed moral principles and social standards

Looking back to the recent Chin history, the arrival of Christianity, along with the political transition from independent tribal cities to colonized state, was the greatest historical landmark that put the Chin society into transitional. Unfortunately and unlike the Mizo society in India, the social development has been stagnated by the unpleasant political condition in Burma. The transition from traditional animism to Christianity, of course, is to say almost completed. However, the internal transformation of the people’s belief system and valua system still has along way to go. The outward social structural transition from politically chieftainship and religiously evil spirit worship orientation is completed that the contemporary Chin society now is politically, in nature, democratic and Christian in religion.

Traditionally, the Chin society imposed its unwritten moral norms to citizens by offering security and belongingness to its members, on the other hand, by imposing punitive action, depositing fear and shame, fear of shame in the minds of its members not to break the unwritten moral and social norms. The common sense played a pivotal role. Although physical facilities were limited to implement the social standard, the society’s authority, the people’s common sense and submission to society put all things in order to maintain social justices and moral norms of the day. Following the fall of traditional social order and political structure, the new social order introduced by Christianity as well as by the Burmese political administration were weak to reframe the whole set of the Chin people’s belief system and moral core value. Although part of the ritual practices were kept unchanged, in many aspects, the underlining social and moral principles of the new order failed to provide simple and efficient guideline to ordinary citizens in order to follow a collective moral standard. Therefore, it is still in question, do the Chins adopt the whole pack of western style Christian culture, or maintain part of the tradition as guide to the modern social order, or will the influence of the neighboring societies suffice the demand of the essential social elements for the new social order? A short answer would be, the combination of all.

Cultural infiltration:

The Chins are the most fortunate ethic group in Burma to be able to resist the strong cultural infiltration of the Burmese dictators’ burmanization policy implemented through the dictatorship political system. The Burmese military leaders tried to burmanized the Chins by all means of social economic, tradition, culture, and education and by the political administration. One of the social factors that helps the Chins prevent from the shaping of the Burmanization programs is religion that mass majority of Chins are Christians and secondly a clean ethnic blood line, absence of the inter-marriage between the Chins and Burman that is still minimal in its impact. Until today, the Chins still stay ethnically and religiously untouched by the non-chin ethnics, surviving the intrusive social cultural and political administration of the military govt.
However, there are negative impact to the Chin society as a result of the cultural infiltration program implemented by the Burmese military govt., such as in literature, arts, business and social contracts that contaminated the Chin people’s social order and moral principles. One of the worst and foremost thing is the Rangoon govt.’s created “ dependency culture” by cutting all opportunities, human rights, and privileges that implicating that the Chin people would always psychologically be filled with dependency on the Rangon gvt., threatening the survival of independent mentality both at individual level as well as the Chin people as a whole ethnic group. In many places, the Chin boys and girls can no longer think of living without the Burmese songs and entertainments. In some places, even the religious congregations use Burmese as their common language when there are a few non-Chin speaking members attend the congregation.

Due to such systematic cultural war, the Chin history, tradition, and cultural heritages are diminishing day by day. The young Chin generation does not have opportunity to learn their history, language, literature in formal school, and have no means to preserve and develop their cultural heritages. Politically, due to the Burmese military leaders’ oppressive attempt to marginalize the Chin social cultural and ethnic identity, the national pride of the Chin people is under challenged and sense of self-determination and independent identity is put under control and freedom beyond dream. With the bloody oppressive history, in the minds of the Chin people, psychological fear is deposited, and the Burman supremacy ideal threatened the individual identity of the Chin people.

Economically, by blocking all possible development inside Chin state, the young Chin generation have to go outside their land and work for living whether inside or outside Burma. When working inside Burma, the Chins have to be proselytes or be assimilated into the Burman way of life, especially when the nature of the business required direct contact with the Burma, the people in government. And when working with government, the Chins have to learn the corruptive administration and bribery business practices. Controlling all opportunities at hand, both in private as well as in public sector, the Burmese military dictators treat the Chins as second class citizens, manipulating all opportunities and offering those opportunities to the Chins in exchange of their national and socio cultural identity.Needless to say, for social cultural development and preservation, there are no means provided by the central government. Moreover, no freedom to organize and assemble, and no formal education system that would enhance the health of the Chin social and cultural identity. In school, the school uniform Burman typical dress is compulsory for all school children. The national anthem, songs and literatures, all are in Burmese language that many young Chins can no longer able to write and read in Chin and have lost the taste of their own literature, social cultural heritages. The politics of burmanization has double impacts to the young Chin generation.

The increasing gap between the haves and the have-nots:

The sense of Chin people’s intrinsic moral quality and human concern is almost death. Wealth is gained thru several steps of briberies, underneath table business and black marketing. In the Chin traditional society, wealth was gained thru hard labor and diligent saving and was well respected. The altruistic human concern of the wealthy and the haves in the society built the society as a whole, without a single street beggar in the whole Chin society. The widows and least fortunate in the society were helped and the essential assistances were provided by the community members. However, under the rule of the Burmese dictatorship, and the corruptive economic practices, people’s morality and ethnical standard has been greatly disrupted. Today, the unequal distribution of public resources and opportunities, black marketing, illegal trades become vital channels to increase wealth. The respect for the intrinsic moral integrity, altruistic public attitude, and social justice no longer dominate the basic principles of human relation and social contract. At the same time, the increasing gap between the haves and the have-nots forced people to strive toward achieving wealth and property possession at all costs, setting aside altruistic and voluntary contribution toward the collective good of all. Even at the cost of once mostly highly regarded moral value, people now strive for material wealth and possession.Civic disengagement and decreasing social capitalSince before the invasion of the west, the Chin society have had village council system to manage public affairs where elders of the community got involved in the decision making processes for the collective good of all. Destroying the whole decision making mechanism, the oppressive Burmese military rule marginalized the rule of citizens in the government’s decision-making process. Not only at government level, but also the existence and role of civil society is restricted and kept under the complete control of the centralized dictatorship government. Needless to say, the civic engagement in public affairs has been not only systematically marginalized but also threatened. As the free _expression of ideas, opinions, feelings in forms of arts, literature, and media or otherwise is restricted, and the fear psyche is deposited to people’s minds that the civic engagement in public affairs become impossible and un-attempted, totally leaving the course of the public management at the hand of the military leadership and their puppet public administrators.

Therefore, in the minds of general public, the limitation of the role of the government, the rights and responsibility and moral obligation of individuals, the role of civil society and social cultural rights, the universal basic norms of social contracts in human relation, are unclear and remained as unanswered questions. The individual’s political, social, or economic survival becomes one’s basic striving object at all cost. When the individual survival at any cost becomes the most striving thing, the collective moral value and the pursuit of collective good play no more important role in human relation. The Burman saying “Betu ti-ti nga matizin pi-zaw” (whoever dies as long as I survive, that’s enough) becomes the bottom line principle of social relation for all sojourners of the day. Dismantling the traditional value system, there has been no underlining qualified moral principle that determinately dictates the moral behaviors of individuals. The bad, the good, and the ugly all are well accepted based on one’s relationship to the bad rulers or based on one’s skill to approach to the corrupted system and gain advantages of it.Altruistic moral obligation toward fellow members of the society, the collective moral force of the society, and the individuals’ civic engagement to public affairs, all have been vanished. And all public resources and opportunities, available social capitals, are distributed and shared among the opportunists and most aggressive and unconsidered individuals, dis-encouraging public civic engagement and raising of the essential social capital to build up national foundation of today’s generation. Trust, whether to the government, to the system or between individual citizens, is at its lowest that no one can be trusted any longer that forced individuals to withdrawal from civic engagement and vlountary contribution to the collective public good. As a result, the available social capital is at its lowest level.

Lies

In the Chin traditional society, liar never won public respect, whether the color of the lie was white, black, blue or colorless. Liar can never serve in the village council, become as a priest for animist worshipers, or serve as a diplomat. Lying was a shameful act. However, today can any adult escape from lie? Can today’s pastor, who had to travel outside the state to gain his education or to get connected with his foreign sponsors, or to gain more members against the rival churches in the city, escape from lie? Can a government servant, working with the military government survive without lying? Can a business man inside the country get rich without telling lie or without engaging with any immoral business practices? Can a politician be honest and still be happy with the military dictators? Can the pro-democratic activist or leaders gain enough fund without telling lie? Can the so called pro-democratic leaders travel country to country without telling lie to embassies or to travel agents? Or without gaining fake ids? Can a refugee or political asylum seekers gain their legal protection and status without telling lie? These questions might come across many of the readers’ minds when thinking the role of lie in the Chin society. When lie is no longer regarded as lie, or lie is justified by its end, or when lie becomes a constant behavioral practice, the society, at its underneath bottom, is eroded with potential consequences of total destruction.

The matter of fact here is not simply blaming all the modern liars or experts liars or professional liars or to reveal their shame, but what are the dangers those lies impost to the Chin society-the double impacts of moral derail. First, respect for honesty and sincere behavior play no more important role and “shame” no longer post threat to those liars’ credibility. Having been addicted to systematic lie, one can still shamelessly claim for place in the public. Having enjoyed the benefits of lying, one directly or indirectly encourages others to take the same steps. So lying becomes a well-accepted behavior. Second, the problem with lie is that one lie requires the second lie to cover the first and the second requires the third lie to cover its ugliness side, and so on. So that lie becomes most protected behavior than honesty, sincerity, or even more than the intrinsic moral quality of our forefathers. Thirdly, lying has its psychological side affects to the liars. If one is gifted with a skill of reading human psychological screen, he or she might have noticed the consequential syndromes among leaders-the tilting of their lips, how often they put their fingers inside their nose in public place, the color of bloodline inside their eyes, the unusual movement of their heads, their inhuman reaction to their opponents, etc. Lastly, lying has severe destructive follow up, that once one lies, one becomes a liar and a liar hates the truth or the defenders of the truth or people who are in the side of the truth. In other word, the day one lies the battle begins. Once one lies, he or she hates people who knows his or her lies, and hates people who do not lie. Hatred is one of the most destructive elements to the health of one’s human soul. Especially, when those expert liars become public leaders, their action encourages lies and destruction of the traditional moral values. Therefore, lying posts dangerous consequential behaviors to Chin society at every level, individual, family, community, and society as a whole. If honesty and sincerity are threatened and lie dominantly survive, the total moral derail will cause greater pain for many to serve the interests of a few in the future Chin society. In addition, lie also serves to increase hatred and distrust among individuals as well as tribal groups, and when those factors are manipulated and cultivated to promote particular tribal group’s political or tribal interest, it works like poisonous venom, destroying unity and the collective social, moral and national force of the Chin people.

Backward political trend: tribal politics vs. democratization

Before the invasion of the west, the Chin tribal groups never been under one political administration. During the rule of the British, the Chin people were under the control of several administrative regions and as far as written history is concerned, the Chins never been united as one people one nation. Having overcome the British colonization, the Chin people realized the historical challenge posted by the world around them and that all Chins who joint to the Union of Burma came to unite under one political administrative region. Not only that the sense of oneness was enhanced by the declaration of the Chin People conference held in Falam city in 1948. However, the sense of oneness as one people one nation still lacked in-depth influence to segments of the Chin society as well as at individual level. Meanwhile, to enhance such sense of belongingness toward one united people group, there were no political system to facilitate the essential social function, leaving the Chin society internally segmented and fragmented, surviving just like amalgamation of several small tribal groups. Nevertheless, due to lack of political choices and exercise of individual wills, the fragile ethnic setting of the Chin people still stay below the surface of the Burma politics.

Here we go! The 1988 Burma pro-democratic movement stimulated hundreds of young Chins. A few, if not none, might notice their own internal tribal mindset at that time, embracing democracy as an ideological savior of the age. When choices are at hand and when one can freely exercise his or her political free will in exile or in the peripherals, the reality of the young Chins’ tribal mindsets wholly revealed. The term “Chin” could no longer help the young Chins see their brethren equally and undividedly. Many came to acknowledge the different tastes of their touches and knots when mingled with other activists from different tribes, favoring members of one’s own tribal group, and becoming unpreventable not to play such mental impulses to gain political favors from one’s tribal group. Therefore, the correct description of the young Chins’ pattern of political thoughts become obvious-that is tribalism, not nationalism. Although, most of the time, if not always, they like the term “national”, their pattern of thoughts provoked them move with their tribal political mentality, with a strong zeal to contain all political opportunities and chances within one tribal group against the rest.Speaking in terms of real world description, the nature of current existing Chin political parties and organizations are solely tribal parties and organizations, not reflecting the whole scope of national image. (Keeping in minds that like the northeastern tribal groups, who the Indian government categorized them under schedule tribes, the Chins may not like being categorized as tribal). For example, the Mara People Party is the political party of the Mara Tribal group, the Zomi National Congress (ZNC) is the political party of the tribal group who identified themselves as Zomi, and the Chin National Front (CNF) is the armed political party of the tribal groups from Hakha and Thlantlang districts, etc. Therefore, when the existing political parties organized themselves and formed a council called Chin National Council (CNC) that becomes the political alliances of certain tribal groups of the Chins particularly who identified themselves as Zomi and laimi Refering to CNF of the exiled Chins). Not only political association, but the religious and social organizations reveal the reality of the Chin people’s pattern of tribal settings and political thoughts. For example, wherever and whenever the Chin people happened to live in a closed locality whether inside or outside Burma, their religious and social organizations always reflect their tribal settings. There is nothing wrong or no one to blame unless one wants to blame God. However, ignorance or over-emphasizing or manipulating such facts may or already have caused unnecessary pain and loss, hindering the healthy development and progress of the Chin national historical trend. In short, the pre-independent tribal politics is now recalled and tribal politics becomes a threat to the Chin National cause as well as to the democratization of the Chin society that unless otherwise correctly handled all the twists and turns of the contemporary political trend inside and outside Burma, the political trend is seriously challenged by tribal politics. In other word, the return of tribalism collides with the progress of democratization.

Therefore, it is a historical call to all Chins, young or older generations, social political and religious leaders, business men and women, all are called to face the challenges of the day! That the flow of contemporary history has flown the Chin people’s national political trend toward uncertain and undesirebale future. Of course, part or most of the cause factors may be contributed by the Burmese military dictatorship, whatever the cause factors may be, until we ourslves work out in building our own history, straighting the pathway of today’s history, none shall come to deliver us!

Sermon In Chin: Rev. 2: 1-7.

2007-11-10T16:42:00.000-06:00

A HRAM THAWK IH DUHDAWTNAK AH KIRSAL UHSI!

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Chin/Lai Mi Thangphawknak Tul!

2007-10-22T05:48:00.000-05:00

Video Thucah zoh aw:

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Chin miphun lakah tthangphawknak thar a tul, tlacam cio uhsi!

Kan Chin miphun Khristian kan sinak kum 100 lenglo asizo, Ram Dinkhawm Kawl Rampi zawm in Mirang (Britist) hnen ihsin zalennak kan laknak kum 50 zikte asi zo, kan pupa rirai biaknak kan tlansan thawknak kum 100 lenglo asi zo, kan pupa san, mirang pawlin inrak tuahsak cawp mi-uk, lal san a cemnak kum 50 asi cuahco thlang, a tulai fang kan ram le kan miphun thuanthu kan zoh tikah, a tuvekin kan feh vivo asile, kan miphun hmailam cu ziang in in hngak ti mi tampi thinlung sungah afiang zet ding. Curuangah kan ram kan miphun thuanthu tuah tha in, Pathian lunghmui zawngin kan ram thuanthu a feh thei nak ding hrangah thangphawknak thar, cangvaihnak thar a tul.

Biaknak lam kan zoh asile biaknak lam pawl thenthek awknak ruangah unau sungkhat duhdaw aw derhdo in rawl ei tlang thei nawn lo, thiltha tuah tlang thei nawn lo in mi tampi an um.Kawhhran thenthek awknak ruangah khawtlang senpi vangtlang hrang thiltha tuah tlang thei nawn lo in hmun hrekhat ah huat awknak tiang a thleng. Khawte pakhat sung hmanah hmunkhatah lungrualten Pathian be tlangin le thutha ruat tlang thiltha tuah tlangin a um thei nawn lo mi tampi an um zo. Biaknak lamah a hlawhhtling maw tling lo ti cuai kan tlai awknak cu thlarau rah lam in sinawn loin ramdang bawmnak ($) ziangzat a ngah thei tihi hmun tampi ah cuai thlai awknak asi thlang. Biaknak lamah kan zoh tikah Khristian sakhuanak kan ramah a thlen thawk ih kan biak inn sakdan kel, mirang ramih biak inn sakdan kan cawnmi vekin, Biak Inn tung kengkeng, a lu zum tiotio in sakmi biak inn sungah Pathian biak tik lawngah Pathian a lung a awi ding vekin kan ruat theu. Pawlkhat le pawlkhat karlak dodal awknak, rem awk lonak, huat awknak in milai pehtlaih awknak karlakah hmun a luah kau tuk zo. Kan thlarau mi sinak cuai kan thlai awknak le tlan kan zuam awknak hi, kawhhran pehtlaih awknak pawl hi a thar in tuaithar a tul, kan siatha theihnak hi thutak thlarau in a nuntersal a tul. Duhdawtnak in zumtu zapi ten Khrih ah insang khat milesa kan si ti hnak in mai kawhhran bul lawng duhsak awknak, kawhhran dang pawl dodalnak, relsiat awknak, thu tha lo lam in khua a luah kau tuk zo. Khrih ralkap, lakah pakhat le pakhat ziangtin thlarau ral kan do nakah kutkai in kan bawm aw tawn thei ding, timi ruahsannak hnakin zuam awknak le lamtang tuah awknak, simsiat awknak, thiltha tuah tlang thei lonak, thu tha ruat lang thei lonak, el tai awknak, iksik awknak, tvp, thilthalo in Khrih zumtu mi tampi thinlung sungah hmun a luah kau tuk zo. Thangphawk nak thar kan tul, cangvaihnak thar kan tul zo.

Sumdawnnak lam kan zoh asile, khualan kan pupa san lai ih kumtin thawn aw vivo mi, lo thlawh dan cu a tutiang kan ramsung misa pawl a tamsawn pum cawmnak le ei in hawlnak asi lai hrih. Leitlun khawmual kan zoh asile miphun dang pawl cu vanah an kai, thansohnak phunphun thawn tlan an zuam awk rero laiah lairam ah a ummi kan milesa pawl cu tui hlan kum 1000 lenglo milai pawl nuntu khawsak dan in kan nung, ei in kan hawl lai. Kan ram sungah company, factory, le hnatuan tampi suah pi in ei in hawlnak thar zianghman suahpi mi kan nei lo. Kumpi hnatuan nak lam kan zoh asile central level hnatuan, upa dinhmun tha hmuahhmuah cu kawlpawl kutsungah a um theh, kawl kumpi thawn hna a tuan tlang tu pohpoh cun kawl ralkap uknak hnuai ah ei ruk nak, dik lonak, hrawhhrawlnak pawl lungrualpi a tul ringring. Sumdawnnak lamah kan zoh asile hnawhthuh pek awknak, ei ruknak, thiltha lo rittheih le mipi siatsuahnak lam thawn sum dawng tu pawl lawngin hlawknak tambik an ngah ih milian le mi nei nung an cang. Sumdawnnak le ei le in kan hawlnakah dingnak le diknak in hmun a nei nawn lo, sumpai ngahnak, mimal hlawknak asi poh ahcun ziangvek khal tuah a thiang theh in mi tampi thinlung sungah ei le in hawlnak ah dingnak le diknak in hmun le ram a nei nawn lo.

Khua hlan pupa san lai ahcun nuhmei le mi farah nau ta cu khawsung ih nei nung le milian, khawtlang in bawm le sawmdawl an rak si theu. A tu ahcun bum awknak, nekcep awknak, midang mithli tla cingin mimal hlawknak duhnak, mi zawn ruat thiam lonak, tvp, thatlonak in kan miphun ei in hawlnak ah khua a luah kau tuk zo.

Ram le miphun thu kan zoh asile 1948 ih Falam khawlipi ah Chin miphun pupa pawl lungrualnak cu nampil theh asizo. Chin miphun zapi te lungrual ten kutkai in ziangtin kan miphun kan cawisang ding timi ruahnak cu a hlo vivo. Pakhat le pakhat karlakah mai hrin, mai khua, mai peng, mai ramthen, mai party, mai rualpi, mai mibur, mai pawl (kawhhran pi), tvp, in milai pehtlaih awknak ah duhsak bik awknak, thleidan awknak, huat awknak, lakhran awknak, midang huatnak, tvp, thutha lo lam in kan miphun hruai tu pawl thinlung sung tiangah hmun a luah kau tuk zo. Kan upa le ram hruaitu ding tiah kan ruahsan mi pawl khal senpi vangtlang thawn a peh par mi, ram le miphun thuanthu tuah tha dingin thilta tuah tlang ding le thutha ruat tlang dingin duhdawtnak, rinsan awknak, le tairialnak thawn to tlang, thuruat tlang le hma lak tlangnak a um lo tluk asi. Mimal, mibur, mai pawlkom, le mai sungkua, mai hrin, mai mibur, tvp, thatnak le hlawknak duhnak hin ram le miphun mi senpi hrang ruatnnak cu a cim neh zo. A tu santhar san hi a tuvekin a feh vivo asile kan hmailam cu ziangin in hngak ti cu zapi theih asi ko lo maw? Thangphawknak kan tul, kan thinlung khawruahdan tuaithar a tul, ram le miphun hrang kan sunmang (national vision) tuaithar le thuruat tlang a tul. Hmuntinah pawlkom awknak kan neih mi tete zoh asile senpi vangtlang in ziang kan tulih ziangtin ziang lamzin zawh in thiltha kan tuah tlang thei ding tiah kan pu kan pa pawlin an rak neih mi dingnak le felnak thinlungput thawn senpi vangtlang huap thinlung khawruah thianghlim ten khawruah tlang nak a mal sinsin. Hmuntin ramtinah kan pawlkom awknak pawl zoh asile kan Chin miphun, kan Chin ram mi senpi zapi huap le hmailam saupi hrang huap in thuanthu tuah that theinak ding lamzin hawl tlang hnakin mai khawsung, mai umnak hmun bite, mai kawhhran, mai hrin, mai hnampi, mai sungkhat, mai lamtang, tvp, mibur malte thatnak le hlawknak ding sawn in khua a luah tam sawn thlang. Thangphawk nak thar kan tul, kan khawruahdan, mibur cangvaihdan le lungput tuaithar in lamzin thar kan hawl a tul. Cutin si loin a tuvekin kan feh vivo, kan miphun thuanthu san tiluang in a fen vivo asile kan duh lo zet mi, kan miphun thuanthu tuahsiattu, tise luang in kan duh zetmi a siatsuah mi le kan mipi duhmi a tlamtling lomi tampi kan tawng lai ding.

Curuangah, ka san mino, ka khukhri hruai, ulenau pawl, biaknaklam thaten zoh uhsi: Pathian Thlarau in Pathian duhzawngin lam in hruai in Pathian thlawsuah kan co thei nak dingah huat awknak, kawhhran pawl thlei dan awknak, leitlun tisa thuruahnak thawn kawhhran sungah politics, lamtang hawl awknak, pawl sawm awknak pawl tanta in Pathian lunghmui zawng ziang asi timi hawl tlang thlang uhsi. Miphun pakhat, thlarau pakhat kaihruai mi le Pathian pakhat bia kan si vekin pumkhat sinak thinlung nunpi thlang uhsi.

Ram le miphun thu khalah miphun pakhat, tumtah pakhat, le thuanthu pakhat hlawm aw aw kan sinak nunpi in pumkhat thinlung nunpi uhsi. Hrin le hram, pawlkom le mibur karlakah huat awknak, thleidan awknak pawl cu kan miphun siatsuah tu asi tiah do in pumkhat thinlung nunpi uhsi. Pawlkom kan neih mi tinah kanmai khua le ram pakhat, pawlkom pakhat hrang lawng si loin kan miphun, kan ram, senpi vangtlang hrang hmalaknak thape tu, bawmtu, le cak ter tu si thei dingin zuam cio uhsi.

Sumdawnnak lam khalah ziangtin kan milesa, kan miphun in leitlun khawmualah santhar tlanzuam awknakah kan tel ban lo hmanah kan miphun siatsuah thei tu, ei ruknak, hnawhthup, le thiltha lo le mipi siatsuah thei sumdawnnak le midang mithli tla ter tahratin mimal hlawknak pawl tlansan in kan miphun senpi vangtlang ziangtin hma kan sawn thei ding timi ruat in hma la tlang cio uhsi.

Ka dunglam ah kan hmuh tonmi pawl hi zirnak ah hmang in a thupi sawn mi kan hmailam ah ziangtin ziangvek kan ram kan mipi hrangah thiltha kan tuah thei ding timi sawn hawl tlang in hma la tlang cio uhsi.Mi zo cio khalin kan tuahmi, kan tongmi, kan thinlungput hin kan miphun senpi vangtlang hrang thiltha a rahsuak ding maw a tuah siat ding?Lungawi,

Tulai Kawlram Boruak Khaikhawm:

2007-09-29T08:50:00.000-05:00

ziang kan tuah thei mi a um?
Sept. 29, 2007

Leitlun ramtin, ramsung ramlengah a ummi Kawlram milesa pawl hrang ahcun tulai Kawlram thu hi kan thlacam mi le kan ngaihven bik mi asi cio ding. Kawlram misa lawng si loin UN Secutity Council le General Assembly khalah Kawlram thu cu rel tel asi ih UN palai Mr. Gambari khal Kawlram a thleng zo ti cu zapi theh cio asizo. US, UK, EU, Russia, China, le leitlun ramtin ihsin Kawlram thu thawn pehpar in tongkam an thlak cio.kawl ralkap kumpi cu an mawhsiat cio. Ramsung ah phungki tlawng ziangmawzat cu siatsuah in phungkhi ziangmawzat cu vuak le velh, thawng thlak tiang an tuart ti ah thuthang dawn asi. Ramsung misa, le Japan journalist pa telin, mi ziangmawzat an thi zo. Kawlram ralkap kumpi in a simnak vek asile mi pahra tluk an thi ih ralkap sawmthum tluk hliamhma an tuar ti asi. Mi dang simdan vek asile, NPR radio in Yagon ih US embasy hnatuan tu thawn biak awknak vek asile, mi 200 ihsin 300 tluk an thi zo ding an zum. Leitlun thuthang, BBC, CNN, NPR, le ram tin ihsin international thuthangah a lar bik pakhat dinhmun ah a cang zo. 1988 (8888) lai ih cangvaihnak vek si nawn loin ramsung ihsin ralkap cangvai, phungkhi lamzin zawh, phungki tlawng ralkap pawlin an siatsuah mi, Japan pa an kah that lai leiparah a tlu ih a sawltal rero lai, tvp, leitlun khawmual in an zoh thei theh zo. Kawlram pi cu khui lamzin zawh in a feh ih Kawlram mipi hmakhua ah ziang in a hngak, Kawlram misa pakhat cio in ziang kan tuah thei mi a um, cu pawl cu Kawlram misa le leitlun ramtin ah million tel in an ruah bik mi pakhat le zoh ringring mi asi.

Ziangvek hmailam dinhmun kan tong thei?

Sim a harsa hrih lai, a tuan tuk lai, ziangvek dinhmun kan thleng ding timi cu mi tampi theih duh mi asiko nan sim theih asi hrih lo. Asinan, a fiang zetmi, a cang thei mi pawl a um:

· Kawlram uknak cu a tha lam a pan thei: leitlun rampi, US, UK, le ramdang pawl le UN thusim mi ngai in Kawl ralkap hotu pawlin Democracy duhtu, mipi le hotu pawl thawn biak awknak a suahter asile thathnemnak a suak phah thei. Ralkap pawlin tuihlan ih an tumtah mi, “Disciplined democracy” uk awknak dindingin an tumtah mi “Road Map” cu a zamrang thei bik in tuahsuak ding le mipi duhdan tlun ve dingin an tuah asile cucu thatnak bik lam asi thei. (Disciplined Democracy uknak ahcun Kawlram uknak constitution sungah kawl ralkap hrangah 25% parliament sheat reserve sak cia ding le Kawlram uktu lubik cu ralkap hnatuan upa kai dah tu si ding thu a tel.) Atuvek dinhmun asile Kawl ralkap pawlin an tumtah vekin “Disciplined Democracy” uknak din ding cu a hlawhtling lo sinsin ding in a lang.

· Ralkap kumpi a siat thei: ralkap sung lala ah lal cuh awknak a um thei. Mi hrekkhat in “Maung Aye in Than Shwe lalnak a cuh zo” tiah thu a than tla an um rero zo. Cun ralkap sungah hotu pakhatkhat lole burkhatkhat in tlunlam thupek ngai loin mipi an tansawn asile nasa ten ralkap uknak cu kuai thei fawn.
· Ralkap pawlin phungki pawl parah an tuah mi pawl thu ah kawlram mipi le ralkap sung misa lala an lungawi lo ih ralkap kumpi thupek thlun duh loin hna an tuan duh lo asile nasaten ralkap kumpi cun mipi uk thei nawn lo ding khawp in buainak a tong thei fawn.
· Ramsung mipi lakah, Iraq ram vek pawl thawn tahtthim tlak ding khawpin, a thup ralkap (secret army) din in ralkap pawl cu a thupin an do asile ralkap kumpi cun ram uk thitha thei loin a um thei fawn.
· A tuvek fang dinhmun laiah ceased-fire group pawlin letaw aw in kawl ralkap pawl do hai sehla ralkap kumpi cu a harsa sinsin ding. Asinan tutiang cu cuvek thu hla theih mi a um hrih lo.
· UN palai: UN palai, Mr. Gambari in Kawl ralkap le mipi, democracy duh tu pawl karlakah palai tuan in thu tha ruat pi dingin a timtuah mi pawl a pitlin asile thatnak lam a suak thei ve mi a um. Asinan, Kawl ralkap pawlin a nemzawng in biak awknak hi tuihlan tiangah an ngai pawimawh dah lo ruangah tu khalah an ngai pawimawh ding cu mi tamsawn in an zum lo.
· US, UK, ram dang pawl ziangtiang an tel thei: US cun kawlram kumpi economic sanction (kawlram thawn pursum leilawnnak tuahlo dingin) a tuah zo hlei ah Kawl ralkap upa tuanvo nei tu mi pahra pawl ih sumpai neihmi pawl cu US kuthnuai ih a ummi hmuahhmuah sumpai lam pawlkom ihsin phihsak theh ding ti ah thu a suah zo. UK, le EU, ram dang pawl khalin tui hlan hnakin na sinsin in kawl ram ralkap kumpi parah pehtlaihnak tuah an tum. Japan khal, Kawl ralkap pawlin Japan mi pakhat an kapthat mi parah nasa ten a thin a heng. Japan hi Kawlram bawmtu lakah a bawm tam bik tu pakhat asive ih Japan in Kawlram a bawmnak pawl a cawl ter asile Kawl ralkap kumpi hrangah thil pawi zet pakhat asi thei.
· Kawlram misa pawlin ziang an tuah: ramsung ah demonratration tuah sunzawm vivo asi lai hrih. Ramleng um pawl khalin ramtin ah, US, Canada, Norway, Korea, tvp, ramtin ih a ummi kawlram misa pawlin demonstration an tuah.

Ralkap pawl hril ding a mal sinsin:
· Kawlralkap pawlin daihnak in mipi aiawh hruaitu pawl thawn thu tha an rel ding maw, buainak nasa sinsin an tong ding maw, cumi pahnih hril ding an nei. Thu thaten rel loin tuihlan vekin hriamhrei hmangin an fehpi tum vivo asile kawlram sungah thisen suah awknak nasa sinsin a suak thei.

Ramleng um kawlram misa pawlin ziang kan tuah thei mi a um:

1. Demonstration tuah: mah le umnak cio ihsin mai umnak kumpi le thunei tu, International organization, UNO, tivek pawl hmaiah demonstration tuah, duh lonak le duhnak langter;
2. Thlacamnak: kawlram misa pawl hi sakhuanak lam ngaihven zetmi kan si vekin Kawlram thatnak ding hrang thlacam khawmnak tuah hi a thupi zet;
3. Sumpai thawh: Kawlram ram uknak a thleng awk nak ding hrangah sumpai neihsun lak ihsin thawh khawm in Kawlram uknak thleng awknak ding hrangah cangvaihnak bawm hi zo cio khal tuah thei mi asi. Tuah thei mi dang lakah a awlsam zet mi pakhat khal asi. Kawlram ramsungah a cang mi thu hla pawl leitlun hmun tintian, ram uktu le leitlun in a theihpi dingin ausuahpinak lamah sumpai thawn bawm ding hi zocio khal in tuah thei mi asi.Tuisan cu “information age” (Thuhla in rorel san) asi vekin ralkap thawnghra le meithal AK47 thawnghra thawn Kawl ralkap kumpi cu voilekhat ah cerek thawnghran thawn na kap hnakin ramsungah Kawl ralkap pawlin mipi, sualnak nei lo, an thah lai, an hrem lai, thiltha lo an tuah lai leitlun khawmualah na than mi hin hmual a nei sawn. Curuangah, mi zocio khalin Kawlram thatnak ding hrangah a neihsun sumpai malte thawn a tuah thei mi cu “Ramsung ah a cang rero mi thuthang, thudik, leitlun khawmual ah ausuahpi, theihter, cuvek ausuahpi nak ding hrangah a ausuahpi tu pawl sumpai in bawm” hi asi.

Mah le umnak, dinhmun cio ihsin mah le tithei tawk kan ram thatnak ding hrang thlaza cam phah in tang cio uhsi.

Cast your opinion on the current Burma crisis?

2007-09-27T20:22:00.001-05:00

Its been almost two decades since the "8888" event changed the whole course of the nation Burma. I was a university student at the time. Now, its been a long yourney for me and my fellow generation.

Hope this time, less people die, more positive result will follow, and the shorter the fight, I pray.

Share you opinion, throw your feeling, your effort, to help Burma free from military oppresion.

Share your journey nad prayer!

2007 Lai Kumthar Puai Thucah

2007-09-08T16:26:00.000-05:00

CLICK TO WATCH VIDEO

Will The CHin Kill Their National Leaders?

2007-09-07T11:46:00.000-05:00

Will the Chins kill their national leader?: If there were a person, like Martin Luther King, Aung San, Mahatma Handhi, among Chin, do you think our people will kill him?

Leadership transition is one of the biggest challenges this generation’s challenges that tradition societal leadership, tribal chieftainship and the post tribal leadership under the Burmese military dictatorship left the Chin people’s societal leadership system in chaos. At a result, public trust on societal leadership is totally incapacitated. However, compared to the world around us and many extremist societies, the Chins still have positive aspects of channeling influence. All human societies around the world needs and have come across changes; leadership changes, social changes, policy changes, and those changes were usually caused by sometimes natural social evolution, war, conflicts, and other times, by social movement or political changes. In America, according to one social survey group, 40% of the population always resists social change and 20% always fight against such changes. Among Chins, after 100 years of Christianity, trust on religious leaders is down to the lowest ever, of not down to the bottom. After 100 years of cease of tribal war and after almost 50 years from our forefathers singed Palong agreement and the Falam declaration of joint agreement to establish a democratic society, the Chins have lost trust in societal leadership and people have lost the morally driving force of collective value system. What changes must be taken and who is to stand for such changes?

In the world societies, for the cost of social political changes, leaders paid the price; in Burma Aung San and the martyrs paid the price, in India Mahatma Ghandi, for the blacks in AMeirca Martin Luther King Jr. all of them have paid the price for the social change they had dreamed for.

If Aung San were alive today and live as a Chin, he must be fighting the Burman rulers to free the Chin people from oppression and to open up public opportunities equally accessible for all Chins. Aung San was the enemy of those Burman leaders who wanted to contain the political opportunities within their Burman inner circle leadership. If Aung San were alive today and live among Chins as a Chin, he or she must face the amenity of those leaders who want to contain all public opportunities within their own inner circle group of political social affiliation based on politics, tribes or clans.

Martin Luther King Jr. stood for the spirit of the letter of the America constitution that says “All men are created equal.” He stood for social justice and fought against the manipulators of the spirit of the open social contract of mutual existence as one nation one country. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was a pastor, a preacher, as well as a social activist. If Martin Luther King Jr. were alive today among Chin and live as a Chin, he must be fighting social injustice, the manipulators of all social political opportunities for the benefits of a handful group of people and those who kill the spirit of the unwritten social contracts and our forefathers’ agreement the fundamental principles of common existence of all Chins together as one people under one societal leadership.

Mahatma Gandhi stood for the freedom of Indian people and peaceful co-existence of all races and religions in harmony. Gandhi was called a priest, philosopher, national leader, as well as a politician. If Gandhi were alive and live as a Chin among Chins, he must be fighting against those leaders who caused division, factions, and fragmentation of the Chin people. He must be fighting religious leaders who caused hatred and division among families, friends, and members of one community. He must be also fighting social political leaders who cultivate hatred and division and manipulated it for personal political gain.

If Aung San, Ghandhi, Martin Luther King Jr. were alive today and live among Chins as Chins, will they be killed by the Chins? 72% online poll voters believe that they could be killed, 33% believe that they definitely be killed. (Not that we believe and totally depend on the poll voters’ opinion, from real world observation, it is obvious that our people need social revival, reformation, to overcome overdue negative mental deposition and psychological enslavement of hatred and fear and distrust).

Have you noticed similar things (although it might be much less significant) going on in the socio political as well as religious community you live now? Will you stand for change or against it?

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See below from the poll data:

Will the Chins kill their national leader?: If there were a person, like Martin Luther King, Aung San, Mahatma Handhi, among Chin, do you think our people will kill him?
Yes, definitely!
11 (33%)

No,
7 (21%)

May be
13 (39%)

Don't know
2 (6%)

Vote on this poll
Votes: 33

===========================

A Historical Call

Today’s generation faces the challenges culturally, socially, politically, and morally. For decades, the shape and image of the Chin society is collapsed, the social order distorted, the political system completely immersed, and the moral trend totally derailed. Economically, people are poor, hangry, angry, devastated, and to get a daily food is the greatest challenge of the day for most majority Chins inside the country. People are disorganized, fragmented, and diversified. There is an outstanding historical call, no one has answered yet. Who will answer the call?

Before the British’s invasion, our people enjoyed the fruit of their labor nature provided. The social order was well structured, though the political system could have been better. Economically, though primitive in nature, people were well fed. Citizens were happy and submissive to the rule of their own respective chiefs, for they received, in return, protection, social esteem, and confidence in soceital leadership. Celebration and festivities kept all traditions alive, passing the Chin proprieties on to the next generation. The justice system protected all citizens equally without giving any advantage to anyone and with special consideration to the poor and needy. Once, the Chins were famous and welknown to others, for their moral integrety, honesty, courage, truthfulness, hard working, passionate, loving, and altruistic attitude in society. Now, the suppposed to be morally higher religion, Christianity fails to enforce moral principles in the Church as well as in the society, love, unity, and harmonous human relations have been cornerned.Everyone has to meet his or her daily end by any means.

The societies of the world around us develop every second, minute, day and night.The globilization opens up doors to the far or near neighboring countries to penetrate inside the land our people occupy and share. Our poverty becomes more obvious which become shame and burdensome to the world and to our young generation. In search of means to meet human wants and curiousity, our people travel around the world, adapting both good and bad life styles, bahaviour and way of life. Most, if not all, advanced young generation travel abroad or left the Chin Hills for search of a better life. The Chin society totally lost its regime value control system that anything that safices a temporary human curiousity is justified in both public as well as privite life. Now, the call comes to every Chin to manuver the turn of hisotry in favor of the longtime collective interest of all Chins.

Formerly, in the Chin society, the poor, the needy, and the least fortunate individuals and families were helped by members of the community; food, shelter, and volunteer services were provided freely. The poor and helpless enjoyed the collective status quo of the people in the scoceity; comfort, belongingness, and collective protection created a healthy social environment. Now, the marchants, politicians, travelers, businessmen and women bring home both financial wealth and strange moral attitude and behaviours, overriding the pre-existing value system in the society. Politically, the Chins are fragmented, diversified, and totally lost the collective vision and endevour for the future of the Chin people. Citizens disengaged from public agendas, and distance from national politics and essential progressive social development, leaving the turn of history at the hand of a few key players of non Chins. Traditionaly, our forefathers managed our own national course, drew the lines for reciporcal human relations, governed our own soceity, protecting and preserving our own proprieties. Now, the Chin people’s history is emersed into the historical sea of mounring and lamentation. The call, hisotrical call, is outstanding, WHO WILL GO!

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POLL SUMMARY, Sept. 11, 2007

It might surprise some, that one part of the ancient saying “Falam and sex (fala), Tedim and Meat, and Hakha and Alcohol (zuu)” appeared to be true, if the mock-poll result is taken as true at its assumption value, assuming all voters (46 all Chins and 32 Falam) are different individuals with honest to their own opinion and reality.

In the poll for all Chins in English, there are 46 votes cast and 32 votes in Falam. The interesting part is that the “all Chins” group has much higher virginity rate (28%) than that of the Falam group (21%) as virgin or never had sex before marriage. Also when asked, if “you had used sex too many times before marriage,” the all Chin group 17% and Falam 28% voted as yes. It makes sense?

Compared to the Americans whose statistics shows 95% as who have had sex before marriage against 5% virginity, the Chins (all Chins) 71% against 28% virginity, and Falam group 78% against 21% virginity, the Chins have much more virginity rate; 5% (American) vs. 28% (Chins).

Even if we say the Falams are sexier than the rest Chins, 21% virginity is much higher than the 5% of the Americans.

To understand people’s sexual behaviors is very important not only for moral/religious purpose but also for health, social and economics issues in the society, if not politics (like in the white house).

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Today’s Challenges to Chin Pastors and religious leaders

In human history, there were times when the bad ruled and also when the good ruled as well and time when the ugly ruled the society. It all times, religious leader’s played a pivotal role to pave the moral path of the people, clearing the cloud in a midst of darkness and clouds. Today, the Chin people have been undergoing unpredicted challenges, morally, spiritually, social and politically which put religious leaders under unusually pressure and temptations. Will the Chin religious leaders stand firm to guard the moral integrity of the Chin people or will they be drawn along the massive derail of the people’s moral?

Recently, I have conducted a mock-poll, asking several moral issues questions. The overall responses proved that the Chin people’s distrust to their leaders whether political or religious ones and their moral trend that shows nothing better or more conservative than the westerners. Although the poll by no means perfectly provides reliable statistics, it provides a clue of the general view from where we can draw conclusion on people’s opinion on the issues. Compared to politicians, the Chin pastors, in the opinion of 30 voters, are worse than politicians. 36% voted pastors as worse, 40% voted for pastors and politicians as the same, while only 26% voted as politicians worse then pastors.

The question is, what bad or negative impacts the Chin pastors have in the society? The answers would be given from the following questions? Do the Chin pastors accept opportunities, wealth, name and fame unfairly (if not unjustly or/and illegally)? Do they promote love and harmonious in the society (not hatred and disunity)? Do they cultivate hatred or love? Do they, with divine authority, enforce the morality of Christian belief? Do they accept blood money at the altar? Do they welcome bloody politicians with respect in the Church or do they counsel corruption and deadly destructive activities among the Chin people? Do they envision future prospect for the well being of the Chin people? A lot more questions to poll.

In the religious text (the Bible), pastors/religious leaders were leaders of the society that involve guarding the morality of public decision making process, fairness in distribution of wealth, opportunities, and human relations, and in protecting the needy and lower class of citizens. And of course, they were all the time, defenders of the truth. Now, our people are hungry, depressed, unhappy, and travel around the world, where the circumstances required them to tell lie, to meet their ends by any means. Will the Chin pastors and religious leaders stand for the truth that serves the whole Chin people, who God has made as one people? Will the Chin pastors and religious leaders serve the greater good of all Chin people against lower good that serve only one individual, denomination or tribe or clan or group when such goods are contradictory in nature and function?
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The Great Disruption to Chin Society
Hre MangMay 2006

It has been the round the world that the post modern culture shaped the modern socio cultural norms, reshaping the global social order and threatening the survival of tradition and permanent culture without guaranteeing replacement with systematic and perfect social order. Being among backward and least developed societies, the Chin society has recently undergone dramatic disruption to its social order and value system, restructuring itself with mixed norms and socio cultural practices which leaves many ignorant civilians in limbo, and the collective moral trend in cripple stage. The impacts of contemporary world order, globalization, change in socio economic trend, ongoing Chin political condition, and the recent mass movement of the Chin people, all together shape the existing social order, introducing the uncertain social environment. Most of the driving factors appeared to be beyond the control of social actors, politicians, religious leaders and leaders of the Chin communities, although giving social awareness to conscious citizens may still worth at least some extent to the preservation of the invaluable social tenets for the longtime survival of the Chin cultural identity.

Having said that for the sake of self-reflection and public social awareness, lets look at some important factors and their contribution to the great disruption to Chin society.The incomplete social cultural transition: traditional to Christianity and church’s failure to maintain its claimed moral principles and social standardsLooking back to the recent Chin history, the arrival of Christianity, along with the political transition from independent tribal cities to colonized state, was the greatest historical landmark that put the Chin society into transitional. Unfortunately and unlike the Mizo society in India , the social development has been stagnated by the unpleasant political condition in Burma . The transition from traditional animism to Christianity, of course, is to say almost completed. However, the internal transformation of the people’s belief system and valua system still has along way to go. The outward social structural transition from politically chieftainship and religiously evil spirit worship orientation is completed that the contemporary Chin society now is politically, in nature, democratic and Christian in religion.

The Burmese military leaders tried to burmanized the Chins by all means of social economic, tradition, culture, and education and by the political administration. One of the social factors that helps the Chins prevent from the shaping of the Burmanization programs is religion that mass majority of Chins are Christians and secondly a clean ethnic blood line, absence of the inter-marriage between the Chins and Burman that is still minimal in its impact. Until today, the Chins still stay ethnically and religiously untouched by the non-chin ethnics, surviving the intrusive social cultural and political administration of the military govt.However, there are negative impact to the Chin society as a result of the cultural infiltration program implemented by the Burmese military govt., such as in literature, arts, business and social contracts that contaminated the Chin people’s social order and moral principles. One of the worst and foremost thing is the Rangoon govt.’s created “ dependency culture” by cutting all opportunities, human rights, and privileges that implicating that the Chin people would always psychologically be filled with dependency on the Rangon gvt., threatening the survival of independent mentality both at individual level as well as the Chin people as a whole ethnic group. In many places, the Chin boys and girls can no longer think of living without the Burmese songs and entertainments. In some places, even the religious congregations use Burmese as their common language when there are a few non-Chin speaking members attend the congregation.Due to such systematic cultural war, the Chin history, tradition, and cultural heritages are diminishing day by day. The young Chin generation do not have opportunity to learn their history, language, literature in formal school, and have no means to preserve and develop their cultural heritages.

Politically, due to the Burmese military leaders’ oppressive attempt to marginalize the Chin social cultural and ethnic identity, the national pride of the Chin people is under challenged and sense of self-determination and independent identity is put under control and freedom beyond dream. With the bloody oppressive history, in the minds of the Chin people, psychological fear is deposited, and the Burman supremacy ideal threatened the individual identity of the Chin people.Economically, by blocking all possible development inside Chin state, the young Chin generation have to go outside their land and work for living whether inside or outside Burma. When working inside Burma , the Chins have to be proselytes or be assimilated into the Burman way of life, especially when the nature of the business required direct contact with the Burma people of government . And when working with government, the Chins have to learn the corruptive administration and bribery business practices. Controlling all opportunities at hand, both in private as well as in public sector, the Burmese military dictators treat the Chins as second class citizens, manipulating all opportunities and offering those opportunities to the Chins in exchange of their national and socio cultural identity.

Needless to say, for social cultural development and preservation, there are no means provided by the central government. Moreover, no freedom to organize and assemble, and no formal education system that would enhance the health of the Chin social and cultural identity. In school, the school uniform Burman typical dress is compulsory for all school children. The national anthem, songs and literatures, all are in Burmese language that many young Chins can no longer able to write and read in Chin and have lost the taste of their own literature, social cultural heritages.

The politics of burmanization has double impacts to the young Chin generation.The increasing gap between the haves and the have-nots:The sense of Chin people’s intrinsic moral quality and human concern is almost death. Wealth is gained thru several steps of briberies, underneath table business and black marketing. In the Chin traditional society, wealth was gained thru hard labor and diligent saving and was well respected. The altruistic human concern of the wealthy and the haves in the society built the society as a whole, without a single street beggar in the whole Chin society. The widows and least fortunate in the society were helped and the essential assistances were provided by the community members. However, under the rule of the Burmese dictatorship, and the corruptive economic practices, people’s morality and ethnical standard has been greatly disrupted.

Today, the unequal distribution of public resources and opportunities, black marketing, illegal trades become vital channels to increase wealth. The respect for the intrinsic moral integrity, altruistic public attitude, and social justice no longer dominate the basic principles of human relation and social contract. At the same time, the increasing gap between the haves and the have-nots forced people to strive toward achieving wealth and property possession at all costs, setting aside altruistic and voluntary contribution toward the collective good all. Even at the cost of once mostly highly regarded moral value, people now strive for material wealth and possession.Civic disengagement and decreasing social capitalSince before the invasion of the west, the Chin society have had village council system to manage public affairs where elders of the community got involved in the decision making processes for the collective good of all. Destroying the whole decision making mechanism, the oppressive Burmese military rule marginalized the rule of citizens in the government’s decision-making process. Not only at government level, but also the existence and role of civil society is restricted and kept under the complete control of the centralized dictatorship government.

Needless to say, the civic engagement in public affairs has been not only systematically marginalized but also threatened. As the free _expression of ideas, opinions, feelings in forms of arts, literature, and media or otherwise is restricted, and the fear psyche is deposited to people’s minds that the civic engagement in public affairs become impossible and un-attempted, totally leaving the course of the public management at the hand of the military leadership and their puppet public administrators.Therefore, in the minds of general public, the limitation of the role of the government, the rights and responsibility and moral obligation of individuals, the role of civil society and social cultural rights, the universal basic norms of social contracts in human relation, are unclear and remained as unanswered questions. The individual’s political, social, or economic survival becomes one’s basic striving object at all cost. When the individual survival at any cost becomes the most striving thing, the collective moral value and the pursuit of collective good play no more important role in human relation. The Burman saying “Betu ti-ti nga matizin pi-zaw” (whoever dies as long as I survive, that’s enough) becomes the bottom line principle of social relation for all sojourners of the day.

Dismantling the traditional value system, there has been no underlining qualified moral principle that determinately dictates the moral behaviors of individuals. The bad, the good, and the ugly all are well accepted based on one’s relationship to the bad rulers or based on one’s skill to approach to the corrupted system and get advantages of it.Altruistic moral obligation toward fellow members of the society, the collective moral force of the society, and the individuals’ civic engagement to public affairs, all have been vanished. And all public resources and opportunities, available social capitals, are distributed and shared among the opportunists and most aggressive and unconsidered individuals, dis-encouraging public civic engagement and raising the essential social capital to build up national foundation of today’s generation. Trust, whether to the government, to the system or between individual citizens, is at its lowest that no one can be trusted any longer that forced individuals to withdrawal from civic engagement and vlountary contribution to the collective public good. As a result, the available social capital is at its lowest level.LiesIn the Chin traditional society, liar never won public respect, whether the color of the lie was white, black, blue or colorless. Liar can never serve in the village council, become as a priest for animist worshipers, or serve as a diplomat. Lying was a shameful act. However, today can any adult escape from lie? Can today’s pastor, who had to travel outside the state to gain his education or to get connected with his foreign sponsors, or to gain more members against the rival churches in the city, escape from lie? Can a government servant, working with the military government survive without lying? Can a business man inside the country get rich without telling lie or without engaging with any immoral business practices? Can a politician be honest and still be happy with the military dictators? Can the pro-democratic activist or leaders gain enough fund without telling lie? Can the so called pro-democratic leaders travel country to country without telling lie to embassies or to travel agents? Or without gaining fake ids? Can a refugee or political asylum seekers gain their legal protection and status without telling lie? These questions might come across many of the readers’ minds when thinking the role of lie in the Chin society. When lie is no longer regarded as lie, or lie is justified by its end, or when lie becomes a constant behavioral practice, the society, at its underneath bottom, is eroded with potential consequences of total destruction.The matter of fact here is not simply blaming all the modern liars or experts liars or preofeeional liars or to reveal their shame, but what are the dangers those lies impost to the Chin society-the double impacts of moral derail. First, respect for honesty and sincere behavior play no more important role and “shame” no longer post threat to those liars’ credibility. Having been addicted to systematic lie, one can still shamelessly claim for place in the public. Having enjoyed the benefits of lying, one directly or indirectly encourages others to take the same steps. So lying becomes a well-accepted behavior. Second, the problem with lie is that one lie requires the second lie to cover the first and the second requires the third lie to cover its ugliness side, and so on. So that lie becomes most protected behavior than honesty, sincerely, or even more than the intrinsic moral quality of our forefathers. Thirdly, lying has its psychological side affects to the liars. If one is gifted with a skill of reading human psychological screen, he or she might have noticed the consequential syndromes among leaders-the tilting of their lips, how often they put their fingers inside their nose in public place, the color of bloodline inside their eyes, the unusual movement of their heads, their inhuman reaction to their opponents, etc. Lastly, lying has severe destructive follow up, that once one lies, one becomes a liar and a liar hates the truth or the defenders of the truth or people who are in the side of the truth. In other word, the day one lies the battle begins. Once one lies, he or she hates people who knows his or her lies, and hates people who do not lie.

Hatred is one of the most destructive elements to the health of one’s human soul. Especially, when those expert liars become public leaders, their action encourages lies and destruction of the traditional moral values. Therefore, lying posts dangerous consequential behaviors to Chin society at every level, individual, family, community, and society as a whole. If honesty and sincerity are threatened and lie dominantly survive, the total moral derail will cause greater pain for many to serve the interests of a few in the future Chin society. In addition, lie also serves to increase hatred and distrust among individuals as well as tribal groups, and when those factors are manipulated and cultivated to promote particular tribal group’s political or tribal interest, it works like poisonous venom, destroying unity and the collective force of the Chin people.

Backward political trend: tribal politics vs. democratizationBefore the invasion of the west, the Chin tribal groups never been under one political administration. During the rule of the British, the Chin people were under the control of several administrative regions and the Chins never been united as one people one nation. Having overcome the British colonization, the Chin people realized the historical challenge posted by the world around them and that all Chins who joint to the Union of Burma came to unite under one political administrative region. Not only that the sense of oneness was enhanced by the declaration of the Chin People conference held in Falam city in 1948. However, the sense of oneness as one people one nation still lacked in-depth influence to segments of the Chin society as well as at individual level. Meanwhile, to enhance such sense of belongingness toward one united people group, there were no political system to facilitate the essential means, leaving the Chin society internally segmented and fragmented, surviving just like amalgamation of several small tribal groups. Nevertheless, due to lack of political choices and exercise of individuals wills, the fragile ethnic setting of the Chin people still stay below the surface of the Burma politics.

Here we go! The 1998 Burma pro-democratic movement stimulated hundreds of young Chins. A few, if not none, might notice their own internal tribal mindset at that time, embracing democracy as an ideological savior of the age. When choices are at hand and when one can freely exercise his or her political free will in exile or in the peripherals, the reality of the young Chins’ tribal mindsets wholly revealed. The term “Chin” could no longer help the young Chins see their brethren equally and undividedly. Many came to acknowledge the different tastes of their touches and knots when mingled with other activists from different tribes, favoring members of one’s own tribal group, and becoming unpreventable not to play such mental impulses to gain political favors from one’s tribal group. Therefore, the correct description of the young Chins’ pattern of political thoughts become obvious-that is tribalism, not nationalism. Although, most of the time, if not always, they like the term “national”, their pattern of thoughts provoked them move with their tribal political mentality, with a strong zeal to contain all political opportunities and chances within one tribal group against the rest.Speaking in terms of real world description, the nature of current existing Chin political parties and organizations are solely tribal parties and organizations, not reflecting the whole scope of national image. (Keeping in minds that like the northeastern tribal groups, who the Indian government categorized them under schedule tribes, the Chins may not like being categorized as tribal). For example, the Mara People Party is the political party of the Mara Tribal group, the Zo mi National Congress (ZNC) is the political party of the tribal group who identified themselves as Zomi, and the Chin National Front (CNF) is the armed political party of the Hakha tribal group who mainly occupied the Haka and Thlantlang districts, etc. Therefore, when the existing political parties organized themselves and formed a council called Chin National Council (CNC) that becomes the political alliances of certain tribal groups of the Chins particularly who identified themselves as Zomi and laimi. Not only political association, but the religious and social organization reveal the reality of the Chin people’s pattern of tribal political thoughts. For example, wherever and whenever the Chin people happened to live in a closed locality whether inside or outside Burma , their religious and social organization always reflect their tribal settings.

There is nothing wrong or no one to blame unless one wants to blame God. However, ignorance or over-emphasizing or manipulating such facts may or already have caused unnecessary pain and loss. In short, the pre-independent tribal politics is now recalled and tribal politics becomes a threat to the Chin National cause as well as to the democratization of the Chin society that unless otherwise correctly handled all the twists and turns of the contemporary political trend inside and outside Burma , the political trend is seriously challenged by tribal politics. In other word, the return of tribalism collides with the progress of democratization.

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Xth Birth reflection (2007)

To see time as it is:

To see time as it passes is one of the things I learn thing. I also see a sleeping man always see time as standing tall. To carry things of the past and to let them harm today and tomorrow is one of the most foolish and worthless things people can’t avoid.Scrutinizing my inside, I discover lots of unwanted fragments the past deposited at the deep bottom of my soul structure that produces no good but being hardwired at the flat wall that enslaved the productivity of my future. It needs strength to pass all that are of the past and push the future with maximum effort, capacity, and energy for a better tomorrow.

Impairment:

There were times when I was intellectually impaired due to the pressure of my wants, extreme zeal and due to the painful force of the life scars but thank God that I was aware of myself being impaired by such my own mental impulses that helped me prevent myself from executing words and actions of maximum stupidity that I might hit the wall of impossibility. That I came to learn the existence of things that can impair human minds and that can foolishly and dangerously employ human capacity to serve self serving interest or even suicidal action of human foolishness, hurting the greater cause of the greater numbers, for the sake of personal greediness and self serving interest. I came to learn that ignorance is the enemy of success and destroyer of the happiness of the ignorant.

Spiritually:

When the devil wrestled me and threw me down, I hit my forehead on the floor, stretched out my two hands and cried to God, “Lord, every thing is in your hand and the purpose and end goal of my life is to glorify your name. I know you have purpose in creating me in your own image and saving me by the blood of your Son. I know, the devil can never take away the blessing you have placed before me and the devil cannot also prevent you from accomplishing your purpose in me. The purpose of my existence is to glorify your name.” The Lord heard my prayer.In times of spiritual battle:There were also times when my physical body was crushed; I did remember what Job said “My skins cling on my bones.” When I felt like standing at the gate of death village, I did remember what Paul said, “For I am already being poured out like a drink offering, and the time has come for my departure” that I thought I was not that far from sharing the pain of their sufferings. But all those times were the best times I ever spent closest with God and when I heard God’s voice the closest ever. So that I can now say, like Paul, “When I am weak I am strong.” Moreover, those were the best times, when I searched myself deepest ever and discovered the untold stories about me and myself.

Mistake and failures:

Failure or mistake at least that of minimum damage is unavoidable, I learnt. People taught me that someone who dares not to make mistake never achieve high. People also taught me that there are people who will always keep my mistakes and failures forever as their best weapons to attack my personality and mission. We all humans are like babies who love to learn how to walk by scrawling and by falling times after times. That there are things to know and no one will ever know them all. Therefore, it is important to me that to try to avoid mistake whenever and wherever possible by careful approach to all walks of life and by utilizing the available resources and knowledge for the maximum benefits and happiness of me and the people I serve.Criticism and adversaryThere are slanderers, gossipers and the masks at all corners of the world. Many times, I myself was tempted to fall in such lower life line. They will always see and tell the negative aspects of others or even lies with or without purpose or for being addicted to such mouth practices. But I learnt to take all words that are directed to me as tools for learning about myself and my actions and deeds. If their intention is for good, I pay them good credits and if they released their words with ill intention or for being addicted to do so, I would rather pray for them that they might have a better way of seeing things and learning from all sources for their own betterment and happiness. If they lie I would simply watch them, for liars they themselves are the victims of their own lies, the merciless psychological consequences awaited ahead of them. On the other hand, not telling about things when they are deadly gone wrong is moral sin of the timid and the selfish ones. Taking such noble task to prevent one’s fellow human being from committing deadly sins and crimes against the public interest and the people’s happiness is the task of every noble and prudent citizens of our time.About othersIt is extra ordinary thing, I belief, to see people as God’s images. My mission to others is simple, with the best of my capacity and ability vested in me, to help them attain their maximum potential and highest happiness in life that involve sometimes telling the truth about correct path of life whether spiritual or socio political in nature.

(Among Chins: I want to see that our people achieve their maximum happiness by avoiding painful conflicts and eliminating hatred and social political evils of the days that victimized poor citizens to serve the interest of the foreigners or a few people among the Chins, and by equal distribution of public resources and opportunities with fair and just, reciprocal human relation as brethren of one decent.)

Happy birthday!

It is one of the greatest blessings to know how to always be happy regardless of the world around us.Family:I value my family.

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX 2006 Bithday Reflection XXXXXXXXXXXXXX

Reflection (2006)

A Brief Reflection

HM: Macrch 8, 2006.

When I was born, I had no idea what my world would stand forGrowing up under the warmest love and care of my parents,Ignorance had helped me bypassed all the evils around meCompetitively growing up in both physical as well as rationalI have come to realize the sense of joy, pain and discontentThere were times when I passed young and ambitious agesThat stimulated mental impulses made me committed for valid reasonsFollowed by a massive contradiction of moral imperatives and real world experiencesIn other words, there were times, when things happened at far opposite corner against human willsSuch time is invaluable, though painful, to learn things beyond normal circumstancesThroughout such learning period, these are a few remarkable feelings:

There were times when I felt like standing at the valley of deathThere were times when I felt like walking thru fires but as though I'm clothed with iron skinsThere were times when I felt like passing thru thorny bushes but as though I have no sense of painIn spite of all, the scars of life made my skins harder and my life more capableI learnt that experiencing things is one thing and being victimized by it is another thingExperiencing pain is the best way to teach about the goodness of healingExperiencing hatred, rejection, and being slandered is a test to one's soul

Experiencing things opposite to one's wills also is a test tool to one's insightAbout all, experience that made me realized my constant need for God becomes my best teacherSeeing one's own self as God sees helps me see God's image in othersSeeing God's power that works in man made clear the vanity of anything that stands on His way That the matchlessness and richness of the universal designer determines a clear meaning of lifeIn spite of all human weaknesses and failures, when I am informed that the purpose of my creatorAnd my designer, in me, is met, my soul wholly content, wanting nothing more than His holy presence.

This is the path my soul has gone thru that I wish all who share the path would enjoy the Way!

May God Bless You!=++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++"Hatred is the weapon of the timids and the weaks, but forgiveness, of the strong

Lai Kumthar Puai thucah!

2007-09-05T20:29:00.000-05:00

CLICK TO WATCH VIDEO

Na Pathian Na Duhdawt maw!

2007-08-28T21:15:00.000-05:00

Na Pathian Na Duhdawt Maw?
Sept. 2nd, 2007.
(2007 Lai Kumthar Puai, Atlanta, GA ih thucah tawi simmi. Thusim can a tawiruangah a tawinak in sim asi ih himi casungta sim tel lomi a um).

Na Pathian Na Duhdawt Maw?

(2007 Lai Kumthar Puai, Atlanta, GA ih thucah tawi simmi. Thusim can a tawiruangah a tawinak in sim asi ih himi casungta sim tel lomi a um).

Duhdawtmi ulenau pawl, tuizanah nan hnenah thutawite simnak cantha ka neih ruangah Pathian ka thangthat ih nan zate parah tampi ka lung a awi.

Ka thu sim duhmi ka sim hlanah kan Chin Community Board meeting thu “thungaithu?” pakhat lo sim ding ka nei: Voikhat cu community board meeting kan tuah. Meeting thawknakah kan chairman, Pu Sang Lyn in thu hitin a sim, ‘Asile, kan mipi pawlin zianghman sumpai an thawh duh fawn lo kan tuah duh mi le a tam fawn, ziangtin kan tuah pei?” Cule, Pu Tin Ko a ding vukvi ih, “Kan mipi kan cil ciamco mei ke cu”. Community board upa pawlin USA um Falam mipi pawl cil ciamco ding cu Pu Sang Lyn a lung a phang tuk I, Pu Jacon Lian, kan GS pa in, Pu Tin Ko cu a zoh keke ih, “Kukko rero, nangpa teh,” a ti hngehnge. (Capoh).

Tuisunah a ra suak tu mi zapi hnenah ka lo cah duh mi cu, thu thlangpi ah ka tarlang mi, “Na Pathian na duhdawt maw?” ti asi. In sang thei nan um maw? (mipi sannak)! Asile, kannih Laimi cu Khrihfa lawnglawng kan si ruangah kan Pathian cu kan duhdawt cio asi tiah kan sim thei. Pathian kan duhdawt taktak maw ti ziangtin kan theithei ding? Cucu milai in kan milai pi, midang kan duhdawtnak, kan tuah mi pawl zoh in kan thei thei asi. Thlangval pakhat in fala pakhat a duh tikah ziang a tuahsak? Pacang pakhat in a nupi a duhdawt tikah ziang a tuahsuak? Milai in kan duhdawtnak langter nak ding hrangah kan duhdawtmi in a duhmi cu kan tuasak theu, a duhdawtmi kan duhdawt theu asi. Curuangah, Pathian a duhdawt tu cun zo a duhdawt? Pathian a duhdawt tu cun a innhnen, amah le amah, a miphun a duhdawt asi. Na duhdawtmi na Pathian cun, nangmah a lo dudhawt vekin na inhnen a duhdawt, na miphun khal a duhdawt asi.

Thlangval pawl, fala pakhat nan duhdawt asile nan fala duhmi ih unau, nulepa, sungkhat, a bik takin na fala duhmi ih duhdawtmi pawl kha na hua lo, na rel se rero lo, ih an duh mi nan tuasak theu sawn asi lo maw?.

Pathian na dudawt taktak asi acun na miphun khal na duhdawt ding asi: Moses in a miphun, Isreal pawl a duhdawt tuk ruangah ziangtin thla a cam, “An sual ngai dam hram aw, cutin asi thei lo asi ahcun nunnak cabu sungih ka hmin ngan mi kha hlawn sawn aw” (Exo.32:32). Paul in ziangtin a sim, “Ka cipi, ka miphunpi, ka unau pawl (lamzin dik an hmuh theinak ding) hrangah keimah sawn hi camsiat tuar in Khrih hnen ihsin hlawn hloh sisawn dingna ti ah ka ti” (Room 9:3). Pathian a duhdawt tu pawl cun an miphun an duhdawt asi. A Pathian a duhdawt tu cun a miphun a duhdawt ih a miphun a duhdawt tu cun a neihmi lakih a sunglawi bik (amai nunnak) khal a miphun hrangah a pe siang a si. Mi dang hnenah ziang kan pek theu timi pawl khin ziangtluk kan duhdawt ti a langter; kan duhdawt taktak mi pawl cu kan mah in kan duh lai duahdo mi thiltha kan neihsun kan pe sawn theu asi. Tuini ah, na Pathian na duhdawt maw ti na thei aw duh asile na miphun hrangah ziang na tuah timi kha zoh sal aw. Na miphun na duhdawt asile, na neihmi, na theihmi, na tithei mi lak ihsin na miphun, na mipi, na hrinpi, na cipi, na thisenpi pawlin an thathnempi ding pawl kha tuah aw, pe aw; na duhdawtnak cu tuahnak in lang seh.

Pahnihnakah ka sim bet duh mi cu, Pathian a duhdawt tu pawl cun an inhnen an duhdawt asi. Cucu Pathian thupek asi. Ziangruangah Pathian duhdawt ruangah in hnen duhdawt a tul? Ziangruangah tile, na inhnen pawl cu Pathin hmuihmel kengin sersiam mi an si. Pathian in a duhdawtmi an si. Tong dang deuh in kan sim asile, na in hnen pawl kha “Pathian ih zuk” (photo) an si. Tlangval pakhat in fala pakhat a duh asi ahcun a fala nu um lo sungah a fala nu zuk kha a zoh ih a fala nu hrangah ziang thiltha ka tuahsak thei ding tiah a ruat theu asilo maw? Na in hnen pawl kha Pathian in a hmuihmel kengin a siarsiam mi an si. Mai in hnen hua tahratin zo hman in Pathian an duhdawt thei lo. Asile, kan inhnen kan duhdawt taktak maw ti ziangtin kan thei aw thei ding? Mi zokhal, a inhnen a duhdawt tu cun a in hnen pa hrangah thiltha a tuah sak theu asi. Thiltha lo a tuah sak lo lawng si loin thiltha a tuahsak thei mi lakah zianghman sup mi a nei dah lo, a inhnen pawlin an hlawkpi dingmi zianghman a thup men dah lo. Na kiangkapah, na neihmi, na theihmi, na titheimi lak ihsin a hlawkpi tu ding, Laimi unau, farah zawnzai, nangmah hnakin canpual le canvo niamsawn a co tu an um maw? Cu pawl cu na in hnen an si. Na Pathian na duhdawt maw? Na duhdawt asile na inhnen na duhdawtnak in lang seh.

A pathumnakah, a Pathian a duhdawt tu cun amah le amah a duhdawt awaw asi. Midang kan duhdawt tikah kan duhdawtmi cu ziangkim a tuahnak, a nun, a hnatuannak khalah a hlawhtlingbik, a fel bik, a sang bik, a tha bik, si ringring sehla kan duhsak theu asi lo maw? A tuahnak tinkimah hlawhtling sehla kan duhsak asi lo maw? Pathian kan duhdawt asi ahcun kanmah le kanmah kan duhdawt awk a tul. Pathian in amai lunghmui zawng, a duhzawng tuah dingin leitlunah amai hmuihmel kengin sersiam mi kan si. Amah le amah a duhdawt aw tu cun amah le amah a siatsuah aw dah lo ding. Zuu, rittheih, nuamnung cennak thawn a mah le amah a siatsuah aw tu cu a mah le amah a duhdawt aw lo asi. Amah le amah a duhdawt aw tu cun mifel bik, thiam bik, a tha bik, si thei dingin a mah le amah a kilkhawi aw aw, a zuam asi. Pathian mithmaitha tawng dingin amah le amah a kilhim aw aw in a zuam ringring asi.

Duhdawtmi ule nau pawl, Na Pathian na duhdawt maw? Na Pathian na duhdawt asi ahcun na miphun, na inhnen, le nangmah le nangmah na duhdawt hrimhrim ding asi.

Asile, nangmah teh Na Pathian na duhdawt maw tiah thu insut duh tu tla nan um men thei. Ka duhdawt asi. Ka Pathian ka duhdawt ruangah kumruk sung ka nolai cantha hmangin ka Pathian, ka duhdawtmi cu ziangvek zovek a si, ziangvek a duh, duh lo ti thei duh ruangah kumruk sung a thu ka zir, ka nolai can ka hmang, ka Pathian in a duhdawtmi, ka miphun pawl hrangah ka tuah thei mi ziang a um ding tiah thu ka ruat theu. Ka Pathian ka duhdawt ruangah ka damsung, ka damsan cu ka Pathian in i sersiamsan, amai hmuihmel kengin i sersiam ih a Fapa nunnak cemin sual sung ihta itlen suak, cutin a tumtahmi hmuahhmuah cu ka nunnak, ka damsungah famkim ding cu ka damsan, ka tumtah, le ka hmuitin mi asi.

Cutin ka Pathian ka duhdawt rualrualin, ka miphun khal ka duhdawt asi. Ka miphun ka duhdawt ruangah peng thawng ziangmawzat siar ding tlak ke in ka feh suak ih ka tuah thei mi ka miphun hrangah tuah dingin ka nunnak tiang ka rak pek, asinan damten tuini tiang ka um. Ka miphun ka duhdawt ruangah ka nolai can, kum ziangmawzat sung, thihnak le nunak kar lakah ka fehsuak. Tangdawrnak thawn ka tlawngta pi pawl kedan hnawt sakin, ka tlawngta pi pawl rawlsuang in ka rak um. Tangdawrnak in thu ka ruat mi cu “Keimah hi ka tlawngta pi, ka ralkap pi pawl lakah a aa bik, a fel lo bik, a niambik si ding na, ka tlawngta pi, ka mino pi, ka san sung ka milai pi, kan miphun pi, ka cipi pawl hi keimah hnakin a fim le thiam sawn hlir si hai sehla, kan miphun hin ka damsungah zalennak a ngah thei ding asi” tiah ka thinlung ten thlacam phah in duhthu ka rak sam. Ka miphun ka duh ka timi hi keimai hminthatnak le thinlung diriamnak hrangah asilo, keimah sawn hi ka miphun pawl thatnak le lungawinak hrangah ziamral theh dingin ka neihsun ka nunnak ka rak peknak sawn asi.

Mi hrekhat in, hlanah cutin na rak tuan dah nan a tu ahcun zianghman na tuah nawn lo, inti men thei. America um dah, um laimi pawl cun ziangvek in nuntu khawsak asi ti kan thei cio. Ka can awl, ka tikcu neihsun, le ka ti thei mi sungah ka kiangkah a ummi, ka cipi, ka miphunpi pawl hrangah ziangvek lungawinak, hlawknak, thiltha ka tuahsak thei ding mi a um tivek thu pawl hi ka thinlung sungah hmun kaubik khua a luah tu an si. Ka miphun pi pawl harsatnak hi ka riahsiatnak, an harsatnak cu ka harsatnak an si ih ka khawruahhar ter tu bik khal ansi theu. Voikhat cu New York, USA ah phunsang tlawng (college) ka kai lai ah computer khan sungah ca ka ngan rero. Culai fangah ka mino pi, ka cipi, ka san mino thatha, keimah hnakin thluak thatha le mifim zetzet pawl cazir thei loin a suk a so ah, ramleng ramsungah a vak a tawi tu, miphun dang kuthnuai ah sal vekin sawr rero mi pawl thu ka thinlung sungah an rung lang. Harsatnak ruangah ca an zir sunzawm thei nawn lo ruangah an hmailam cu a thimtheh. Cumi ka ruat tikah ka mitthli cu ka computer keyboard parah a fawr. Suup aw thei nawn loin zun in (rest room) ah ka lut ih ka tap ta. Voikhat cu zan ka it lai ah ka tthang, zinglam nahzi pathum hrawng asi. Vur a tla ih lenglam cu a dai zet. Ka thinlung sungah kan miphun, pitar putar, nauhak tete, thlatang khawsik lakah puansin ding nei lo pawl ka mithlamah an rung lang. Ka mitli tla in ka lukham cu a cinter duahdo. Ka tho ih bawkkhup in Pathian hnenah thla ka cam, “Bawipa, zianghman thiltha ka tuahsak thei lo mi, ka duhdawtmi ka miphun pawl hrang thinlung har in thu ruat nawn lo dingin ka khawruahnak hi ilaksak hram aw” tiah thla ka cam. Ramsung ramlengah ka miphun pi, pitar putar, mino thatha, nauhak pawl harsatnak, tiduhdah an tuarnak, mi nautat hmuhsuam an tuarnak, rawlkhawp ei ding nei lo, damlo tikah thaten zoh aw thei lo, harsatnak a phunphun an tuarmi pawl hi ka mitthlamah ziangtik hmanah an hlo thei dah lo, ka mit ka mengih ka thluak in khua a ruat thei sung poh cu ka thinlung sung ihsin an hlo dah lo asi. Thiltha pakhat ka theih mi a um tinte, kan miphunpi, kan milesa zovek milai in hlawkpi thei nak lamzin an nei pei maw ti hi ka ruat ringring. Cutikah, ka theih mi umsun pawl hi ausuahpi lole sim loin ka um thei lo. Curuangah suup aw thei loin ca tamtuk tlang cabawm sungah ka ngan theu ruangah mi hrekkhat cun capoh in “Hre Mang teh, MP cuh a tum maw si, email a ngan ciamco tla in rak ti.” (Pathian in rem atile cu cuh tla kan cuh leh pei cu, hi ).

Ka milesa, ka miphunpi ka duhdawt ih ka ruat ruangah khawdangdang ah khual ka tlawngih ka theih mi sun, sumpai hmandan (USA financial system) thu tla ka zirh vivo. Atlanta tla ka umnak ihsin peng 500 hla asi nan keimah sumpai $ 400 lenglo cemin ka theih mi thathnempi tuding, thihhloh le cakkhai hrangah sumpai lam timtuah cia a tulnak thu, credit system thu hla sumpai tipun dan thu pawl thuthlang pi ah hmangin kan milesa hnenah workshop tla ka tuah. Cuvek thotho in kan umnak Indianapolis ah siseh Michigan lam ah siseh khual tlawngin ziangha thiltha ka tuah thei ding timi hawlin ka vak ka tawi. Cucu ka thin di malte iriam ter I, malte rel tham lo thil, kan milesa hrang ka tuahsak thei mi a um asile ka ihhmuh a thaw in ka nuam awknak sangbik asi. America ramih bar (zuu dawr) tumtum le nuamnuam ah nuam zetin zuu thawthaw in hnakin ka neihsun sum fanghnih khat hmang tahratin kan milesa pawl hrangah thiltha ka tuahsak theimi hawl le tlangau pi hi ka duh sawn. Ka miphun pi pakhatkhat hrangah thil fate pakhatkhat ka tuahsak thei mi a um asile cucu ka lungawinak le ka porh awknak asi. Ka tuah vek hi tuah ce cio dingin mino pawl ka lo sawm asi.

Duhdawtmi ulenau pawl, tuisunah ka lo sut sal ding, “Na Pathian na duhdawt maw? A lo sersiam tu zo asi ti na thei maw? Na thei ih na duhdawt asile na Pathian in a lo sersiam tikah a tumtahnak cu na tumtahnak si aw sehla, na Pathian na duhdawtnak na langter theinak lamzin umsun cu na Pathian in a hmuihmel kengin a sersiam mi, na milai pi, na miphun, na inhnen, nangmah le nangmah kha duhdawt awk ding asi. Asile, na miphun, na inhnen na duhdawtnak cu ziangtin na langter ding? Peknak in asi. Leitlun paraltha pakhat cun a ram le miphun hrangah hna a tuannakah a nunnak tiang a liamih a thihzawngah hitin thu a sim ta, “ka ram le miphun hrangah ka pek thei mi nunnak pakhat lawng ka nei hi a pawi tuk.” Nangteh na ram le miphun hrangah ziang na pek ve ding?

Na Pathian na duhdawt maw? Na duhdawt asile na miphun pi duhdawt aw, na inhnen duhdawt aw la, nangmah le nangmah kha Pathian mithmai ttha co dingin kilkhawi tha aw. Cutin na duhdawtnak cu peknak in lang seh!
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POLL khaikhawm:

Laimi pawlin kan thinlungput, mizia, felnak mizia (moral behaviour) pawl hi kan hliakhlai aw dah lem lo tla asithei. Miphun dang pawl thawn khaikhin tikah kanmah le kanmah cu dingzet, felzet viakgin kan ruat aw tla asi thei. A hnuailam hi thu malte hi felnak miza (moral behaviour) langter tu tampi lakah malte an si ve. Himi poll result pawl hi Laimi zapi te dinhmun lailang tu ding (reliable statistic) hman theih lonak a um ruangah zokhal himi ca ngan mi pawl parah thu a sim, ca a ngan ding asile fimkhur dingah ka lo simcia duh. Ziangtiang rintlak asi timi theihbet duh um asile in sut thei ringring. Online ah, internet ah ret asi ih zoin an vote ti theih asilo, mi pakhat in voikhat lungput dikzet thawn an vote cio mi asi tiah ruat in khaikhawm hnik uhsi.

Poll#: Farai (naute) thlak (nau phiat) a pawi maw? Fa thla (abortion) hi mirang ram ah an buaipi tuk mi asi. Zumtu diktak le zumtu lem tiah an ti awknak bik pakhat khal asi. Laimi mi 29 in vote an tlaknak vek asile Laimi lakah 41% lawngin nau thlak (abortion) hi sual, dik lo, (immoral) ah an ruat ih a dang 59% cun dinhmun zir in nauthlak cu an pom thei. 27% cun nunau, naute nu thu liolio asi an ti ih 20 % cun naute nu hriselnak in a tlin lo tik lawngah abortion cu tuah sisehla tiah an ruat. Na ruahdan vek asi maw ve maw? Ahnuai lam hi an vote thlakmi pawl an si.

Do you support women's abortion rights!
No, its immoral!
12 (41%)

Yes, its women's choice!
8 (27%)

Only when both parents agree!
3 (10%)

Only at healh risk situation!
6 (20%)

Vote on this poll
Votes so far: 29 Hours left to vote: 7

Poll# Laimi pawlin mirang nun thlahdah, mi fel lo, mihur, tivek tongkam thawn an sim le rel kan thei theu men ding. Cucu ziangruangah tile nupipasal nei aw lo cingin nupa sinak (sex) an hman ruangah asi theu bik. Asinan laimi pawl khal hi mi tampi ruahnak hnakin kan rak fel lo, nupi pasal neih awknak lenglamah nupa sinak hi kan rak hmang zalen nasa ti cu a fiang. America misa lakah 95% cun nupi pasal neih hlanah nupa sinak an hmang tiah an sim laiah Laimi zakhat lakah 18% lawngin fala/tlangval thianghlim kan nei, neih awk hlanah nupa sinak hmang lo ten, thianghlim ten nupi pasal an nei aw aw tinak asi.
Na ruahdan vek asi lo zet men thei.

Have you ever had sex before marriage (pre-marital sex)?

No!
5 (18%)

Yes!
18 (66%)

Too many times!
4 (14%)

yes, but rape!
0 (0%)
Vote on this poll
Votes so far: 27 Hours left to vote: 6

Poll# Society Pastor pawl maw politician pawlin siatnak an thlen ter mi a tam deuh? Ti ah thu sut tikah mi tampi ruahdan vek asi lo men thei, pastor pawl cangvaihnak tuahnak in vengsungah buainak, siatnak a suah tam deuh ti asi. Asinan himi vote thlatu pawl hi ramleng um, politics thawn hnawmhnawih aw zet, sakhua mi lo zet pawl an tam deuh tla asi thei. Hivek in laimi zapi ten an ruat asile laimi pastor pawl kan cem ngaingai tinak asi. Laimi mi 27 vote mi parah hngat aw in thu lak asile 40% cun pastor pawl an sual deuh tiah an sim ih 22% lawngin politicians pawl an sual deuh an ti. Cule, 37% cun pastor le politicians pawl an bang aw, tiah an ruat.

Who are worse, Chin politicians or Chin Pastors?

Politicians!
6 (22%)

Pastors!
11 (40%)

They are the same!
10 (37%)

Vote on this poll
Votes so far: 27 Hours left to vote: 6

Kaikhawm thei mi pakhat cu Laimi pawl hi kan liberal zet tinak asi. Conservative zet ah a rak ruat tla kan um men thei nan, moral issue ahcun liberal zet kan si.

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Poll#. What should be our national identity?

We have heard enough arugements about our common ethnic identity, pros and cons. Want to know what the majority of us think about that, please cast your vote. It’s a matter of polling public opinion.

Poll #. Who do you think should be the number one Chin national leader?

We say we love democracy. A healthy democratic society requires tolerance (or even caltivation) of opposite ideas and opinion as much or more as it requires civic engagement, participation in public agenda, in discussion as well as in voting, without any fear of repercursion. Lets see who the leader occupy most space in the hearts of our people.

Poll# . Do you thnk Burma will regain democratic rule within the next 10 years?

It might be interesting to know what others think about the future of Burma?

Poll# . Do you support women’s abortion rights?

Among western countries, its been contraversial issue, but among Chin people, there has been no open discussion or public opinion poll. Please cast your vote and lets see where we stand.

Poll#. Pre-marital sex-Have you ever had sex before marriage?
Among Americans, according to CNN, 95% have had pre-marital sex. What about the Chins? If you want to know, please cast your vote.

Poll #. Whose negative impact to the Chin society is worse, the Chin politicians’ or Chin pastors’?
Pastors and politicians are builders and guardians of the society, but not without faults, failure, weakness, or even sin. Want to know, others' perceptions on those two highly regarded profesional fields, cast your vote.

Poll #. Will you go back to Burma?
Its question, if the Chin people will go back to Chinland, Burma. Lets see what most majority think about.

The Politics of Recognition!

2007-08-27T17:03:00.000-05:00

The Politics of Recognition: Burma
December 2004
(You can also read at : http://www.kaowao.org/politics%20of%20recognition.php )

Abstract: This article focuses on the identity politics that demands mutual recognition and respect in Burma, between the Burman majority and the non-Burman ethnic groups, among the institutions such as the military and the non-military institutions, and equal liberty and equal distribution of resources and opportunity. Laying at the bottom of the Burmese political crisis, until and unless all mutually recognize and respect each other’s identity, the identity politics will always drag Burma's political process down, unable to reach the mutual instrumental end goal of the citizens. In Burma , the name of the country itself creates an arguable identity politics, subjugating the identities of the rest of the non-Burman ethnic groups under the banner of the ethnic name “ Burma ,” while “ Myanmar ” offers no alternative solution.

Some scholars, politicians, and writers considered Burma 's political crisis as constitutional, while others wholly blamed on the military dictators. When tracing the history of the Burmese people’s political psyche and social behaviors, the root cause of the political crisis laid far behind the superficial political interaction and the social contract between the military and the general public and between the military leadership and the non-Burman ethnic groups. The politics of mutual recognition, misrecognition, and identity politics reveal the in-depth nature of Burma 's political crisis, underlining the ideological and behavioral foundations of the driving factors for the long and lasting nature of political conflicts.

Since time immemorial, the Burmese political leaders have violated the laws of the Buddhist god and of nature, and after independence and the establishment of the Union of Burma, the laws of the Union and the general fundamental principles of the social contract for the peaceful co-existence had been nullified and subjugated several times. If Burma 's political crisis were a mere constitutional, the problem would have been solved several times. None of the past Burma 's constitution ever allowed rape, forced labor, or any type of human rights abuse, although it opened the chances of the dictators to practice their tyrannical rules. Day to day practices of the military leaders and army personnel reflect the long standing social political behaviors of the Burmese civilization. Even during the short rule of the democratic government since independence, the Prime Minister U Nu once announced Buddhism as the only national religion which caused remarkable political setback in the modern Burma 's history. U Nu kept the non-Burma ethnics under the absolute control of the central government with the banner of democracy, where the non-Burman ethnic identities were subjugated, ignoring and marginalizing the reality of the non-Burman ethnic identities with their racial, social and cultural heritages. In reality, the components of the non-Burman ethnics’ ethnicities were misrecognized and subjugated. Therefore, under the rule of Rangoon government, every non-Burman individual has to live and survive as a second class citizen. It was not a constitutional problem but ideological discrepancy, addicted and fixed into the minds of the dictators, descended down from the ancient Bama nationalism, the political aspiration to expand the rule and influence of the Bama kingdom. This is the problem until today. In other word, the Burmanization ideology, which is deeply rooted in the political psyche of the Burman leaders, has necessitated the maintenance of a coercive force against the non-Burman ethnics. Moreover, the Bama traditional political school of thoughts had been influenced by patriarchal and warrior type of heroism that the Bama kings, unlike many ancient kings, were warriors and fighters that the people’s submission to the king was always more coercive than a willful submission based on a consensual social contract in exchange of mutual recognition and respect. Meanwhile, the Burmese society, with its traditional hierarchical social order, still stays untouched by the 18th and 19th century enlightenments and the modern philosophy of societal leadership that left the society with a rude and tyranical rule of the regime.

The name of the country, “ Burma ” or “ Myanmar ” itself is exclusive term for the “Buma” ethnics, that lulls many politicians and activists and misguided many Burman politicians and thinkers that the non-Bama citizens are required to share the Bama nationality’s exclusive identity under the “Burmese” citizenship. In reality, after 50 years of a deadly struggle, even the Karen ethnic stronghold bogged down to consensually join the Union of Burma if there will be a mutual recognition and respect for ethnics identity and gidnity. Indeed, the political process turned in favor of the majority Bama identity as the name of the country bears the Bama exclusive term. After more than the 17 ethnic insurgency groups’ negotiation with the Rangoon government, the real color of the dictators became more apparent that even when the existence of the non-Burman ethnic insurgency is no longer a threat to the peace and stability of the country, the military dictators keep playing the political game to keep control of the central political power. This is an obvious political strategy of the military dictators, to partially recognize the non-Burman ethnic groups’ claimed identities and to persuade them to join with the Burma political process in which the military handles the determinant keys, while marginalizing the forces of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the pro-democratic dissidents. Nevertheless, this is a historical landmark from which the military leaders gain unearned political credits that none of the non-Burman ethnics dissidents struggle for independent nation any longer but humble themselves to be ignored in the face of the universe as an independent nation but to share the “Bama” identity in the international political phenomenon. Therefore, based on the politics of identity, the majority Burman politically gain over the identities of the non-Burman ethnic groups that the non-Burman ethnic identities are subjugated under the Bama ethnics identity. That is the Bama identity politics the military dictators have been rudely playing, overriding the truth about the existence of multi-nationalities as the foundation of the union country. Thus, as a result of the non-Burman ethnics identity subjugation, the politics of equal recognition for identity and respect for ethnic dignity will always criple the political process of the nation.

Due to of the implementation of the greater Burman dominion politics, under the Rangoon government, the non-Burman ethnics have been kept under control without opportunity to preserve and develop their own ethnic identities: teaching non-burman ethnic languages in schools are prohibited, social cultural development have been limited, no non-Burman national history is taught in public schools, no non-Burman ethnic tradition and cultures are officiated publicly, to name a few subjugation programs enacted by the military dictators. In other words, the Burmese political leaders misrecognized the natural components of the existence of the non-Burman ethnic identities, ignoring the reality of the multicultural co-existence as the basic foundation of the modern Burma . The Burmese leaders’ misrecognition of the non-Burman ethnicity involved misdistribution that seriously hurts the relationship between the Burmans and the non-Burman citizens. For the non-Burman ethnic individuals, there is almost no chance to get higher official job positions such as in the cabinet level official positions, as diplomat in foreign country, etc. The civil service and public sector top official positions are always occupied by the Burman ethnics. Not only that even in the private sector, the non-Burman ethnic individuals have much less chance to access the publicly available opportunity unless any particular individual is assimilated into the Burman way of life or associated with the top Burman officials. The discrimination against the non-Burman ethnic groups in Burma is deeply rooted and affected in every function of the society. As a result, the non-Burman ethnic groups had to live as second class citizens, longing for the survival and equal recognition of their own identities and equal distribution of recourse and opportunity. Therefore, if the politics of recognition is rightly understood, the complexity and nature of Burma 's political crisis would be much easier to analyze and find ways for collective solution. In other words, the long lasting Burmese political problem is not the issue of just the superficial political interaction and social contract, but the identity politics or the politics of recognition, deeply rooted in the permanent behaviors and political psyche of the Burmese leaders.

Since before the WW II, the wars between kings and kings were ended. When the modern nation state came to replace the rule of monarchism, the world political movement had focused on competition among modern nation states. By the end of the WW II, the decolonization and democratic boom occupied the world political phenomenon followed by the cold war between the U.S. and the former Soviet Union . The cold war represented the world’s political ideological conflicts between the democratic liberalism and communism. After the retreat of communism by its own internal collapse, the world's activists, thinkers and scholars, and politicians tend to focus on the individual civil rights, indigenous rights, human rights etc. However, the products of these quests for human common satisfaction proved that the politics of recognition laid the foundation of human struggles and conflicts of interests. In the post modern world society, the politics of recognition becomes more important and obvious as the advanced technology allows the fast and timely exchange of information and business transactions: the issues of the misrecognized people and diminishing identities become more apparent. And now, what the past tyrannical rule of the monarchs and authoritarians bypassed reoccurred as the quest for recognition of the natural components of national identity and their appropriate place in the society. “Who you are,” “how people recognize you,” become the driving factors of the common questions of the current world political movement. The politics of recognition has three main layers: individual, group, and national.

The “politics of identity” laid at the foundation of the “politics of recognition.” The politics of identity, based on survival politics, tries to identify a person with her own intrinsic and social cultural components of life, such as race, color, belief system, language, sexual behavior, etc. whatever attached to her own existence as a human being, demanding an appropriate place and accommodation in the society with equal distribution of public resources and opportunity. When individuals' autonomy is misrecognized, individual citizens feel being oppressed and the pressure of coercive force of the ruling class. The western individualistic society, although, tends to be recognizing the individual autonomy by granting individual freedom with the least interference from the government, the politics of identity still raises the question of equal distribution. Especially when contradicting interests and opinions occur while the available means to meet the conflicting expectations is limited, there is always someone with dissatisfaction and sense of misrecognition, resulting self withdrawal from civic engagement or further struggle to be recognized and have equal access to the means of the society.

Although, the level of the struggle for individual autonomy differed based on the general norms or hierarchical order of the society, when the individual autonomy is misrecognized, it creates the unending struggle for individual autonomy and social esteem. Within the Burmese societal context, individual’s life satisfaction is based on how he or she is recognized by the society that shapes her social image and self esteem. Historically, a normal citizen has almost no voice regarding how the public resources are distributed to each individual in the society. During the rule of the Bama king, the public administration and distribution had been top down that a normal citizen is to humble herself under the rule and distribution of the king. The society had been patriarchal and the political ideology authoritarian ever. General Aung San, the leader of Burma independent movement was the leader of the 30 comrades who went to Japan for military training. Following the traditional school of thoughts, the political mindsets of the Burmese military leaders has been authoritarian and tyrannical that according to the military mindsets the place of individual citizen in the nation’s political administration is determined by her military contribution in defense of the nation. Democratic decision making process by equal contribution of the citizens had been lacking in the minds and practices of the military leaders, and traditionally, assuming the military body is commonly accepted and recognized by the people as the highest ranking national institution in the country. In other word, in the minds of the military leaders, the political identity of the military in Burma 's history has been legitimate and paramount within the Burmese political and societal context, without which the nation would have been remained under the control of the foreign power or disintegrated into several fragments. In such a way, the military leaders both individually as well as an institutionally gratified their social and political aspiration, illusively projecting the military identity about all other national institutions, and the “Burman ethnic identity” about all the non-Burman ethnic identities.

However, out of no alternative option, the recent changes of the military dictators’ foreign and economic policy create a paradoxical confusion for the military leaders. That is the politics of recognition: how the regime government is recognized or misrecognized by the Asian neighboring countries and the international communities. Unfortunately, the Burmese military regime gains the international recognition more than it deserves: no nation or international community refuses the regime’s representative as the official representative of the people of Burma , although the people of Burma obviously and internationally denounced the regime government in the 1990 general election. Compared to the Taliban regime in Afghanistan , which had been recognized by only three foreign nations, when the US invaded in 2002, the Burmese regime has almost nothing to worry about the international communities’ misrecognition. For the Burmese military dictators, the westerners’ criticism, economic sanction, complaint over human rights abuses, are nothing more than a "lovely father’s discipline to his beloved children." The military leaders fear only a balanced force. Restoring the military institution’s historical identity at the top of the nation’s public square, the dictators will always defend the status quo of the military identity even with the expenses of the lives of millions of the people of Burma and the dignity of the people and the land.

What is lacking in Burma is not a legal institution or constitutional governance but mutual recognition of identity whether it be ethnic based or otherwise that entails civic inequality, unequal liberty and opportunity. Although the Burmese dictators’ burmanization policy has been partially successful, from the aspect of the dictator’s political programs of the elimination of the non-Burman ethnic identity, the consequential political problem will not end until the non-Burman ethnics are recognized as they are endowed by nature. Before, the British colonization, most of the current non-Burman ethnics of Burma had never been under the rule of the Bama kings, having their own ethnic identities as unique peoples. Under the rule of the Burmese dictatorship, the non-Burman ethnics experienced misrecognition of their own reality of nationalities, not able to keep their own ethnic identities with their rich social cultural heritages. Lamentably, now, none of the non-Burman ethnic group claims what the Panglong agreement entitled to them, the right of secession, a complete separation, but agree to join the Union of Burma if mutual recognition is restored at both national and individual level under the rule of a democratic government, disqualifying the claim of the military dictators to justify its conntrol of the central political power by blaming the existence of the ethnic insurgency as a threat to disintegrate the union. What Burma now needs is not only the general legal frame to underline the basic social and legal contract of co-existence, but also mutual recognition and respect of multi-ethnic-identities that would guarantee both politically, socially and morally for the satisfaction of all ethnic groups for the survival and dignity of their identities.

There are certain problems with the politics of identities among the non-Burman ethnics and the dissidents who identified themselves as democrats and liberals against the tyrannical rule of the military regime. The military regime numbered 135 ethnic groups in Burma . In other words, there are 135 nationalities struggling for each of their own respective identity's survival that, according to the regime, the country cannot be divided into 135 separate nations. Although the military’s claims are not politically correct, there is some level of reality within the complex ethnic settings of the non-Burman ethnic groups. For example, within the Shan state, there are some who do not identify themselves as Shan, such as Wa, Pa O, Palaung, etc. Likewise, within the current Kachin state, there are Lishu, Rawong, etc. and within Chin state, Kukis, Zomis, Laimis, etc. The military regime appeared to rightly understand the politics of identity for its own political advantage which it plays more tactful than how the dissidents do. Not only that the Burmese regime also skillfully played the politics of religious identity among the Karen dissidents that broke up the opposition stronghold, the KNU. Offering self-administered zone for the misrecognized and smaller ethnic groups is also the tactic of the regime government’s identity politics that offered an independent ethnic image where the members illusively would feel more convenience than being identified themselves among the larger or the major ethnic groups. Therefore, the non-Burman ethnics, while struggling for their ethnic identity survival, should better be aware of the politics of identity among themselves, for neglecting this would return unexpected political consequence which will unnecessarily advance the political role of the military.

Among the Burmese democratic dissidents, the problem with identity politics is individual and ideological rather than ethnic based. After the 1988 national wide democratic uprising and after the military regime's rejection of the result of the 1990 national election, every dissident identified himself or herself with the pro-democratic force, associating one party or organization to claim the moral or political correctness of the dissident’s stance and to fight against the ruling regime. It became apparent that the mutual recognition and respect had been lacking among most of (if not all) Burmese citizens whether an individual is identified with the military regime or the dissidents, although the level of the negative political consequence of misrecognition, of course, is not the same. The remarkable thing was the exclusion of the ethnic insurgents in the formation of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), established by the 1990 MP-elects which General Bo Mya, the longtime leader of the Karen National Union, regrettably revealed just before he went to Rangoon to talk with the Rangoon government for cease fire deal. Had the 1990 MP-elects united all opposition forces when they formed the coalition government, the process of Burma 's democratic movement would have reached much further. If the 1990 MP-elects and the prominent dissident leaders struggle just to maintain their own political identities of being political elites of the country, they would fall below their moral claim, when defending their identity requires overriding the fundamental principles of justice and democracy, drawing lines after lines among them. The political fragmentation among the dissidents into multi-organizations is one negative consequence of the politics of misrecognition. Out of such misrecognition by both the regime and the dissidents, the political aspiration of the non-Burman ethnic groups necessitated the formation of their own political alliances, such as the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC), National Democratic Front (NDF), etc. where the non-Burman ethnic leaders feel more convenient to express themselves, projecting their own identities and political images. Although, no war has been declared between the Burman dissidents and the non-Bruman ethnics, there has been a constant relationship gap between them due to misrecognition of identities and unequal distribution of resources and opportunities.

The identity politics or politics of identity has both negative and positive impacts. The people who have been misrecognized feel more convenient and better self image when they identified themselves with their own race, ethnics, social or political groups and feel comfortable to express themselves socially or politically. On the other hand, when the role of identity overrides the role of justice and the basic fundamental principles of democratic and liberal values, it returns unexpected and unwanted social and political consequences. This kind of problem is common among multi-cultural, multi-ethnic societies. This is also true to individual level when a person’s claim for individual identity and autonomous overrides the basic principles of democracy and liberal values and the role of justice and fairness, the social and political force is diverted and usually fragmented. Within the context of the Burmese dissidents' community, this usually is the major weakness that has been occurring among almost all groups and organizations that fragmented the opposition force. Moreover, the worst thing is when the identity politics turns to hatred politics that kills the moral quality of the political principles it upheld. The identity politics demands mutual recognition and respect, equal liberty, equal distribution of resources and opportunity that are for the good of all concerned individuals under peaceful co-existence, presumably guaranteed by democratic principles. Contrarily, the hatred politics is non-negotiation, non-co-existence and total elimination of the opponents. This is also one of the biggest problems of many Burmese dissidents, which dragged them down to self contradictory and un-winnable battle ground: while practicing a non-violent political passive resistance, one cannot practice a hatred politics, because both demand two opposite results out of the movement. Unfortunately, this has been caused by the long time Burmese people’s political psyche and the four decades rule of the authoritarian dictators where people lacked the general common sense to place one’s identity appropriately in a peaceful society, without interfering the autonomies and identities of the other individuals of the society and without being filled with fear psyche and incorrect-self-esteem.

Rethinking the multi-nationals existence of the country, all Burmese political activists, politicians, thinkers, intellectuals, scholars, writers, students, military personnel, and all citizens have to understand the politics of identity that demands mutual recognition and respect for ethnic identity and dignity, equal liberty, equal distribution of resources and opportunity. As an essential institution, the military should have its own identity and role in the country as much as other essential national institutions would have recognition and respect. The existence of multi-nationalities must be wholly recognized and no-ethnic group must be subjugated to serve the identity of any other ethnics. In other words, there must be a mutual recognition and respect among multi-ethnic groups of Burma with equal liberty and equal distribution of resources and opportunity that would enhance the peaceful co-existence of all nationalities in the union that will eventually bring back once the beautiful and glorious name of the people and the land, the “Union of Burma.”

We Were Soldiers We Were Students

2007-08-24T13:51:00.000-05:00

We Were Soldiers We were Students
Sestina: A Sandy Night Without Light: We were students, we were soldiers)

April 2002

I. It was the night of spring, 1991, when we, the students, walked through a thick and dark jungle-from China to India border. The night, when the Stars and Moon hide their dim light. Half on the way, the darkest night ever blinded my eyes. No way to hide from the thorns, stones and snakes. I wished I could see in the night, but no light. The forest, With its strange smell, entertained us, giving a serious warning to my friend.

II. "Leave me alone, leave me alone, let me die, please" groaned my friend, in the middle of a quite and silent night. Knowing the pain, all students harshly breathed. "Get up and walk," my friend was commended. "Let this forest be my grave" repeated my friend. All were aware of the danger of the night. Two more hours to walk to the safe place. When I pulled my friend up, the sandy thorns inside my shoes doubled their actions, tearing down my outer skins. We saluted the sharpen sand thru out the darkest night.

III. Inside the sandy river, up and down on the slope hill, we paved the way with our bloody shoes. As though thorns penetrated his heart, my friend groaned and groaned. No use of eyes or voice, a bat's signal, to avoid thorns and danger, helped us. Beyond the capacity of physical body, all students extended the power of their inner souls. No torch no candle, but the darkness of the night. With guns and rice in my back, no complaint, no murmur, but to walk until the safe forest.

IV. The blood inside my shoes wet my socks. The sharp surface of the forest increased the fear to move my foots ahead. The unknown future, like the way toward hell or annihilation. I forgot the taste of the day, when the night dazzled me. The sharpen sand never stop eating the skin of my toe. My friend, Repeated his plea to let him choose his end. We were soldiers we were students. The echoes of the voices of the slaughtered innocents undermined the pains of the thorns.

V. After more than 40 days of travel, the tiny sands inside my shoes became like iron thorns. Poisonous leaves, harmful creatures, thorny sedges, all ruled the forest. My wet body, never end dropping liquid from my body. Not like students of University, like the men who never learned how to walk, the way We walked made me laugh. It was around 1:30 AM in the night, my friend Threw himself on the ground, beside a tiny creek, if he reached his mother's home in the late night.

VI. Not yet a chance to pull my shoes off. The hour was like a fathomless night. Picking firewood, to make a student-medicine, I dragged the branches of thorns. Chinese tea leaves, salt and water from the creek, all made up for my friend. After a high combustion hot, salty and bitter mixture, a medicine of the forest, dressed up our skinless toes. A bitter-hot-and-salty-student-medicine prepared us again for the way of tomorrow. A bitter mixture dried up and roasted the skinless toes of the students.

VII. We lastly rested from the longest night until the next break of the day. Students Had not learned how to walk in the night, had not learned how to walk the way of thorns. The forest from China to India border made a soul-bounded tie among our friends-Chin students. “We were students, we were soldiers”

Ziangruangah FALAM Humhual Attul!!

2007-08-23T12:06:00.000-05:00

Ziangruangah Falam Humhual a Ttul?

Falam humhual ti tikah mi hrekhat hrang ahcun lamzin bituk ah Falam pawl an feh ih pengkhat le pengkhat do dal awknak, asilole, Kawl rakap kumpi hmanrua vekin cangvai vekin tla a hmusualtu an um thei. Khatlamah cuvek lamzin zawngin feh theih khal asi. Cun, a dangzawngin, Falam Humhual a dingsuak tikah Falam misa, nulepa pawl hoha nakin, ram le miphun thu ah an tthangharh thar sal, cangvaihnak thar a suak asi tiah ruat khal a theih, cucu asi ding taktak, a sitaktak tiah zapi’n ruat asi. Curuangah, mipi, Falam misa siseh lenglam mi (laimi midang pawl) in siseh hmuhdan dik, asinak taktak theih fiang a tha zet. Hnatuan tu pawl khalin Laimi le Laimi lakah hmuhsual theihsual awknak um lo ding thuhla fiangfel zetin theihter, tlangaupi a thupi zet fawn. Santhar san ahcun leitlun mipi pawl hna sungah a lut rero mi thu pawl hi a cang taktak mi thudik ih hrek fang lawng a tel ih a hrektluk cu thuphan, belh bawm mi fang asi ti asi laiah Humhual khalin a tuah mi, a dinpi mi, a lamzin zawh mi cu a tuahmi thawn a pehpar mi milai zapi hnenah fiang kelkel in asinak vekin atheihter theu a thupi.

A hmaisa bikah, mi zapi ten thinlung sugnah fiang kelkel in kan theih ttul mi cu, Falam misa tel loin Chin miphun thuanthu ziktluak le tlamtling zetin tuahtthat a theih lo. Cuvek thotho in Tedim, Hakha, Matupi, Mindat kan unau pakhatkhat tel lo khalin Chin miphun thuanthu tuahttthat theih asilo. Curuangah, Falam misa pawlin kan peng kan ram mipi duhzawng, duhlozawng, ziangvek tuahnak, cangvaihnak pawlin kan mipi lungawinak a siatsuah ih kan mipi duhzawng lamzin a sial asi timi kan aupi ve a tul. Cuticun kan Chin miphun thuanthu tiluang sersiam that tul mi pawl cu amah le cante ah tuah famkim asi thei nak ding hangah. Kan mah Chin pawl tuahnak siseh Kawl le miphun dang, ramdang misa pawl lala in siseh kan peng kan ram kan mipi pawl thawn a pehpar mi an tuah mi pohpoh ah mipi auaw ausuah pi ve thei dingin lamzin pakhatkhat kan awn a tul ve. Cucu Falam Humhual in a tuah dingmi thupi bik pakhat asi.

Falam Humhual dinnak san:

Falam Humhual a dinnak san, a umsan, cu CNF/A pawlin Falam mipi lungawinak a siatsuah, mipi an vel an thawi, an ti rethei, an duh lo cingin sumpai an laksak, CNF/A pawl ruangah Kawl ralkap pawlin kan ram mi an tuahsiatnak mipi in an tuar thei lo, cu pawl ruangah asi ti cu Humhual ttuanvo nei tu pawlin an sim suak zo. Cumi lawng siloin Humhual in tumtah dang tampi, le thupi sawn a nei ti khal mipi hnenah theihter zo mi asi.
Humhual cun Laimi,Chin miphun thuanthu tuahsiat tu, Laimi (Chinmi) tuahnak ruangah siseh miphun dang, Kawl le ramsung ramleng mi siseh kan miphun, kan mipi lungawinak siatsuah tu, kan miphun thuanthu tuahsiattu hmuahhmuah cu kan neihsun sumsaw bungrua le thazang hmangin a do ding mi asi. Curualrual in, Falam misa pawlin ziangtin kan peng kan ram kan miphun hrangah thiltha kan tuah tlang thei ding, ziangtin kan Chin miphun, pengdang misa pawl thawn rualremnak kan hawl ding, ziangvek tuahnak pawl hin Chin miphun thuanthu le lungrualnak a siatsuah in a tuah tha, a tufang thuanthu santiluang parah senpi vangtlang miphun thuanthu tuahtha dingin ziangvek tuantlang le tuah tlang thei mi kan nei, tvp, thu ruattlang in phurnak le duhnak neihmi sumsaw, ruahnak le thazang suah in ttuang tlang ding tumtah le tuan rero asi. Humhual in a tuah dingmi a tttuan suak thei ding maw ding lo timi cu Humhual thawn a pehpar mi mailai mimal pakhat cio in ziangtluk tiang an miphun, ram le senpi vangtlang tthatnak hrangah an pe aw thei, an zuam ih an ttuan timi parah a tthum aw asi.

Humhual in ziang a hum ding?

Pu Khuang Lian in asim zo bangin Laimi pawl thuanthu, Kawlram ram dinkhawn zalen hnu lamah, zoh mawi lo, riahsiat thlak zet tampi sim ding a um. Tuihlan kum 100 rei, mirang pawl an ra thlen hlanah, Lami pawl cu phun hnam fatete rak that aw rero, pipu ral rak do aw rero an rak si. Mirang kut hnuai le Kawl pawl kuthnuai kan tlen hnu ah pipu ral do awknak cu a reh ih zalennak, rualremnak, ram dinkhawm sungah Chin miphun khal miphun pakhat dinhmunah dingin ram thurelnak (political administration) pakhat hnuaiah kan rak um khawm. Falam misa pawl hi pengdang kan unau pawl hnak in kan tthacuang kan ti lo hmanah Chin mi zapi lungrualnak le pumkhat sinak siatsuah ding zawngin a cangvai dah lo mi kan rak si. Mirang pawl khalin Falam khawlipi cu Chin ram khawlipi, hmunpi bikah an rak ruat ih Falam tong khal Chin miphun tong siding tiangah an rak ruat. Cun, Chin miphun pawl lungrualnak, khuahlan uknak tanta in mipi lalnak (democracy) uk awknak thawn Chin miphun kaihruai aw dingin Chin mipi palai pawlin lungrualnak thu an rak tuah tik khalah Falam khawlipi ah rak tuah asi. Falam khawlipi cu Chin miphun lungrualnak tarfung (symbol) asi kan ti thei.

A tawizawngin kan sim asile, kan pupa sanah lei doral an rak do aw rero nan mirang, miphun dangin an rak do tikah an rak ttang tlang ih an rak do; anmah le anmah (phunhnam fate) lei doral rak do aw rero cu Kawlram miphun dang pawl thawn Ram Dinkhawm an din tikah mah le mah do aw nawn loin lungruaknak thawn miphun pakhat dinhmunah an rak ding; Chin miphun lungrualnak ding le ram mipi kaihruai awknak thu ah khuahlan lal san (fuedualistic chieftainship system) cu tanta/thleng in mipi lungawinak cu thupi bik ah ruat in mipi lalnak (democracy) uknak thawn hmuntin le ramtthen tinah a ummi Chin mipi kai hruai aw dingin Falam khawlipi ah Chin mipi lungruaknak an rak tuah; Kawlram pum le Chin miphun lakah Falam khua le ram, a mipi, hruaitu pawl khal duhnung le lawmtlak, miphun duhnung, zapi pawm theih, ram thu relnak khalah thu-lai ruat le hoha tu, a khua le mipi khal miphun dang pawlin pawl-nuam le hnatuanpi nuam an timi, a khua khal um le tlanlen nuamnak hmun an rak timi asi. Cucu kan miphun sersiam tu Khawzing Pathian in kan peng kan ram kan mipi kan miphun hnenah canpual in pekmi, kan ram miphun le ramkulh thuanthu ah kan peng kan ram le kan milesa in thuanthu canpual an rak neih mi asi. Cucu Falam Humhual in a humhim dingmi asi. Curualrual in, kan miphun sersiam tu Khawzing Pathian in kan miphun, kan peng kan ram, kan mipi hnenah canpual le canvo a pek rualrual in tuanvo, mawhphurhnak khal a pek ve asi. Cutin thuanthu in kan mipi liangparah a tthum mi tuanvo mawhphurhnak cu tuansuak thei dingin Humhual cun lamzin hawlin mipi dung le hmaiin a fehpi ding mi asi.

Aliam cia mi thuanthu ah Falam khawlipi ihsin siseh Falam misa kutsung ihsin siseh mawi lo thau lo, mualpho tlak zet, riahsiat thlak zetin, laksuah sak mi canpual, dinhmun, le canvo ttha pawl ruatin nauhak te pakhat’n a kutsung ih cawhnawi bung a ttah rero vekin ttah rero ding kan si nawn lo. Cuti rualrualin, Laimi pawlin kan theih ttulmi, kan zir ttulmi, thanthu in in zirh le thehter mi pawl kan zir, theih le fimkhur ttulmi a um: Kawl miphun pawl thawn peh tlai aw mi kan si tikah Kawl miphun, hotu pawl thinlungput, kan Chin mi lakah kanmah sung lala lungput le mizia, pengdang mi lungput mizia, mibur le mimal thinlungput mizia pawl kan theih thiam ih ziang kan tuah tik khalah kan fimkhur ttul mi a um. Kawl pawl cun kan miphun thuanthu le nunphung siatsuah tahrat in kan ca kan tong hman zir thei loin Kawltong le nunphung inzir ter ih kan fale te pawl cun kan miphun sinakah porh awknak (national pride) nei nawn lo dingin a phunphun an tuah. Fimthiamnak, pursum leilawnnak, kumpi hnatuan le senpi canpual hmuahhmuah an kut sungah an retih kanmah laimi cu sal tlukah an canpual vek co ban lo ah in ret ttheh. Kan pengpi pawl lala khalin kan peng kan ram misa lakah duh-amnak thawn kan mipi mittlii tlak le riahsiatnak cu pawi tinak sete hman nei loin kut an thlak in an cangvai. Cuvek milai pawl lakah kannih Lami pawlin ziangtin mibur in a hlawm in kan cangvai in ke kan kar ve ding timi thu ruat khawm a ttul, hma lak tlang a ttul.

Miphun ral, rualpitha, tuahtha tu le siatsuah tu theihfiang a ttha:

Culailakah, hihi thiehfiang le fimkhur a ttha. Kan miphun thuken vekin hi hi kan zapi cinken a ttha. Miphun dang khal sisehla, Chin mi pengdang misa khal siseh, kanmah sung lala ihsin siseh, kan mipi mitthli tla ter tu, kan mipi lungawinak siatsuahtu, kan fala pawl duhlo cingin a ihpi rero tu, kan fala tlangval le mino ttha ttha zuu le siatnak sii tthalo thawn a thlem rero tu, kan milesa pawlin thiltha tuah dingin an zuamnak lamzin dal tu, siatnak in kan milesa a phiar rerotu, cu pawl cu kan miphun ral an si. Cun khatlamah, cuvek milai pawl thawn rualpithat tuahtu, hnihsuak sai tlang, arsa barh aw rero tu mimal, mibur, pawlkom pawl khal kan miphun hrangah rinsan tlak le kan miphun thuanthu tuahtha tu, kan mipi lungawi zawng hawl tu le tuahtu an si thei lo ti kan theih a tha fawn. Pacang pakhat cu a fanu pawngsual, duh lo cingin ihpi rero tu thawn hni suamso in rawl a ei thei ding maw? Fapcangttha pakhat cu a fapa zundi pawt thlohthloh in a vel rero tu pa thawn zianghman thei lo bangin rawl thaw le zuu thaw a in rero thei ding maw? Pacangttha pakhat cu a nulepa thinphang le ttih le khur in a tuahtu/rettu pawl thawn zuu le sa an barh aw rero thei ding maw? Mimal, mibur, pawlkom ziangvek zovek pawl hi kan miphun siatsuahtu, kan mipi lungawinak siatsuahtu, kan miphun thuanthu tuahsiat tu an si timi fiang kelkel in kan theih le fimkhur a ttul tuk tlang.

A liamcia a hlo zo mi pawl lakah laksal theih lomi an um vekin laksal le tuahtthatsal theih mi an um. Kan hloh mi lakah, khawpi sinak, zung tumpipi umnak, vanzam ttumnak um ding, phunsang tlawng um ding, tvp, cu pawl hmuahhmuah hnakin a pawimawh bik kan hloh mi a um pang maw? Kan miphun, Chin miphun, Laimi sinak thinlungput kan hloh pang maw? Pacangttha, pa ralttha, pa rin-um, pa taimai, midang zawnruat thei, nuhmei farah nauta bawibawi le sawmdawltu sinak, senpi vangtlang hrang taimaknak, dingnak le diknak kenkawh tu, miphun rinum kan sinak pawl hi kan thloh pang maw tihi a phan um bik mi asi. Mitin hmuh theih mi le kut in tham theih mi thilri pawl a hloh tikah kan miphun sinak zianghman a hlo lo, kan thinlungput, kan milai sinak lungput pawl a siat, kan hloh asi ahcun zianghmuahhmuah kan hloh sawn asi. Cucu hlo lo dingin, a hlo khal asile la kir sal in Humhual in a humhual dingmi asi.

Mipi in teh ziangvek ttuanvo kan nei?

Atuvek thuanthu santiluang lakah kan mipi in teh ziang kan tuah thei mi a um? Kan miphun kan peng, kan ram, kan khawpi, kan mipi cu cawimawi le upat hlawh cu kan duh cio! Kan khua kan ram cu mi zapi in nuam an timi ram nuam khaw nuam sisehla kan duh cio! Aisle, kan duhmi cang dingin ziang kan tuah mi a um? Kanmah lakah Lairam Kawlram a suahsan hmaisasa in kan khawlipi cu dunglet hman an hawih nawn lo. Tthangthar no nawn a fim hmaisasa le neih hmai sasa in ramdang khawdangah an tlansan theh asi lo maw? Lailam lothlo, pitar putar, cathiam lo tete, harsa tete pawlin kan khua kan ram cu ceimawi hai sehla cu le kannih hmundang ramdang ramleng um pawl tla rak porh aw ve sehla, kan duh asi lo maw? Kan duhmi ngah ding in kan tuah mi ziang a um? Kan peng kan ram misa pawl cu Chin miphun lakah siseh Kawlram pumhuap in siseh international ah siseh upatlak in kan miphun cawisang tu si hai sehla kan duh asi lo maw? Cuti rualrualin kanmah lakah cuvek milai suak thei dingin ziang kan tuah mi a um? Kanmah lakah cuvek senpi vangtlang thu thawn pehpar in cangvaihnak hrang phurnak nei tu pawl ziangtiang kan bawm in tha kan pek? Culole a linglet in cuvek milai zohso ding an um zik tinten dung lam ihsin a ke ziangtin kan phet thei ding tiah neihsun fimnak le tongkam hmang in kan aukio sawn ttheu asi pang maw? Kanmah lakah cuvek milai suak thei dingin attul mi upatnak, thapeknak, cawimawinak, bawmnak teh senpi tangrualin kan pek mi a um dah maw? Kanmah hman in upatnak kan pek thei lomi cu miphun dang, hnamdang, ramdang mi pawlin uptnak rak pe in an cawisang ding tiah ruahsannak cu umze nei lo asi ti theihfiang a tha. Leitlun ramtin le hmuntinah a tthek darh mi tthangthar no nawn pawl lakah Ram le miphun a cawisang thei ding, miphun ro a rel thei tu ding, fimnak thiamnak a nei tu, pum pe aw thei pawlin ramsungah kir sal in siseh mipi senpi vangtlang hrangah hnatuan an zuamnak ding hrangah kan mipi in sangka kan awn ih thinlung kan pek, hmun kan khuarsak a ttul kan ti cio lo maw? Fimthiamnak lam kan zoh asile kan mino pawlin leitlun khawmual thu, ramthu, senpi vangtlang rorelnak thu lam zirnakah zo si a feh um? Sumpai hlawknak lam zirnak lawng hi kan nulepa khalin tha an pe ih kan mipi khalin an cawisan mi asi sawn lo maw? Nunnak pe in ram le miphun hrangah kekar ngam teh um hai sehla mipi pawl ziangvek tiang kan ttang ngam ve ding? Kan miphun, kan ram cawimawinak le hminthatnak ngah dingin siseh thuanthu in kan miphun, kan ram kan mipi parah canpual le canvo tha a pek mi humhual thei dingin le thuanthu in ttuanvo a pek mi pawl tlamtling zetin ttuansuak thei dingin pek awknak um loin a lak in zohman in in tuahsak lo dingin pek awknak a um lo asile kan hmuh dingin lungawinak thar cu simlo a um cia hman zianghman hloh ding kan neih nawn lo tiang kan hloh vivo lai ding asi ti mi senpi in kan theih cio a ttha.

Pawlkom le mibur pawl teh?

Kan mibur pawlkom awknak pawl zoh hnik uhsi! Biaknak lam pawlkom cangvaihdan hi tahtthimnak vekin zoh hnik uhsi. Kawhhran tinah kawhran hruaitu le upa pawlin kan member pawl hnenah ziangvek thu kan fah/sim? Ram le miphun thu ah cangvai tu pawl, kan mipi tuarnak ausuah pi tu pawl, kan ram le miphun thuanthu tuah tha dingin, santiluang cu mipi lungawizawngin a luan theinak dingah tiah khawruat in a zuam tu pawl thape dingin kan milesa pawl hnenah thu kan forh fial dah maw? Kan ram le miphunt thuanthu hi khui lamzin zawh in a luang ih mimal pakhat cio in zumtu ttha dinhmun in ziangvek ttuanvo kan nei cio timi thu the kan ausuahpi dah maw? Kan miphun sinak kan tong, kan nunphuhng pawl teh kanmah le pawlkom cio ah kenkawh dingin tha kan pe aw aw in thu kan khiah dah maw? Hmun hrekhat ahcun ram le miphun thu hla a tawlrel le a ngaihven paih deuhdeuh cu satan dungtlun le zum lo tuvekin kan ruat ih kan milesa pawl hnenah thusia kan forh sawn ttheu pang maw? Kan ram le mipi in miphun dang pawl cu ttih in, kan nunphung, kan tong pawl cu kenkawh thei lo dingin tlawng cazir nak khalah miphun dang tong cu kan fale pawlin an zir dingih miphun dang nunphung in an nung ding cu kan miphun sersiam cu Khawzing Pathiang lunghmui zawng asi ding tiah Laimi pastor le kawhhran upa pawlin teh kan ruat maw si? Kan fale pawlin tlawng ca an zirnakah kan biakmi Pathian thu thawn a mil aw mi zirnak, nunmawi le thuanthu zirh thei ve ding cu kan miphun Pathian duhzawng le lunghmui zawng asi tiah kan ruat cio lo maw si? Kan telefa tthangthar pawl cu ttihnak thinlungput thawn an umnak hmunkipah an umih “ttihnak” thinlung an tthancih ding cu Khawzing Pathian duhmi asi tiah kan ruat mawsi? Cuvek santiluang ttha lo, thuanthu sia tuah ttha dingin mi zo khalin ttuanvo kan nei cio tiah kan ruat lo mawsi? Khawzing Pathian thawn hmaiton in kan tawn awk tikah “Nangcu biakin ah kawhhran upa, pastor na si ruangah ram le miphun thuanthu tuahttha dingin ttuanvo zianghman na nei lo” inti ding tiah kan ruat mawsi? Sile, Pathian thu vekin kan milesa kan um ding cu a ttha, sihman sehla Pathian thu vekin kan um tikah kan miphun thuanthu ram le miphun thuanthu in kan liangparah tuanvo in tthummi pawl cu kan dungtun thei lo asi ti khal mi senpi theih a tha kan ti cio lo maw? Biaknak lam pawlkom hi tahtthimnak vekin simmi asi sawn. Cuvek thotho in mibur le pawkom pakhat cio in ram le miphun thuanthu tuahtha dingin tuanvo kan nei cio ih cui ttuanvo kan neih cio mi cu ttuan ve cio dingin Humhual in a ti thei tawk hma a la sawn ding in a alng.

Pawlkom dang tete kan pawlkom awknak khalah cuvek thotho in tuanvo kan nei theh! Kan pawlkom awknak ih a tumtahtawp (end goal) cu ziang asi? Pawlkom sungah kan upapa deuhdeuh upat pek awknak, pawlkom sungtel pawl diriamnak fangfang maw si? Zo vek milai khalin ram le miphun thuanthu tuahtha dingin ttuanvo kan neih cio vekin mimal pakhat cio ih kan tuah mi hin a ttha lam asilole a siatsuah lamah kan tuah mi cio hin rah a nei asi ti theih cio a tha. Cuvek thotho in mibur le pawlkom pakhat cio in kan tuah mi, kan lamzin zawh mi hin ram le miphun thuanthu hi a tuah tha in a tuah siat asi ti theih cio a ttha. Milai pakhat siseh mibur le pawlkom siseh ram le miphun thuanthu sungah an tuahnak le an sinak vekin senpi vangtlang in kan sim, kan rel, kan theihter, le an sinak ciah ah kan ret ngam a ttul. Cuvek pawl cu Humhual in a tuah ding sungah a ret in a lang.

Asile, Humhual cun ziang a humhual dingih ziang a do in ziang a tuah ding?

Ram le miphun thuanthu, thuanthu tiluang in kan miphun liangparah a tthummi thuanthu tuanvo cu ttuan ding, thuanthu tiluangin kan miphun kan mipi parah a tthumi canpual le canvo cu humhual ding, kan miphun le mipi canpual le canvo a humhual rualrualin tuanvo le mawhphurnak khal phursuak thei dingin a tuan ve ding. Cui hlei ah, mimal, mibur, pawlkom cangvaihnak pawl khalin ram le miphun thuanthu ah ziangvek dinhmun ah an dingih senpi vangtlang hrangah ziangvek siatnak tthatnak an thlen pi tiah a ausuahpi a ttul, lamzin dik a khihhmuh a ttul. Cun, kan miphun, kan ram mipi mitthli thla ter tu, mipi lungawinak siatsuah tu, senpi vangtlang hmasawnnak dal tu, mipi canpual siatsuahtu, mipi hmakhua tisiat tu, cu pawl thawn rualpitthat in lamttang a tuah tu pawl cu Humhual in a do in mipi hnaihnawk lo dingin a kham ding asi.

Falam mipi, hril ding nan nei, kan nei! Nan tthang thlang ding maw, na pil vivo ding? Thuanthu tiluang in in pek mi, miphun canpual le canvo cu kan humhual ding maw kan hloh ding? Thuanthu in kan liangparah a ttum mi tuanvo cu lungrualin kan ttuan ding maw, dung kan sip san ding? Kan tesinfa pawlin tuisan milai pawl tanta mi thuanthu cu lungawi sopar ten an run porh aw zet ding maw, kan hminsal hman an zahpi ding? Mimal, kawhhran pawl, le pawlkom dang pawl khal hril ding kan nei, kan nei! Miphun thuanthu tuahttha zawngin ke kan kar ding maw, kan tuahsiat ding? Kan humhual aw ding maw dungsip in kan miphun sinak cu miphun dang sinak ah kan zep lan ta ding? Hril ding kan nei!

Hminsin: Himi cangan mi hi Humhual aiawh in le mibur maw pawlkom pakhatkhat aiawh in ngan mi asilo, Humhual in senpi hnenah a tarlang mi tumtah mi parah, mimal lungput le ruahnak lawng asi.

Zalennak (Mimal nun)

2007-08-22T11:29:00.000-05:00

“Zalennak”
“Thutak na thei dingih thutakin a lo luatter ding”

Sal tang mi pakhat hnenah “zalennak” hnakin duhmi le ngai pawimawh mi ziang na nei maw ti ah sut sehla a sannak ding theihcia asi. Asinan ‘sal’ ah ka taang ti a thei aw lo tu pawl hrang ahcun zalennak thu sim rero cu umzia nei lo vek asi fawn ding, khatlamah. Zalennak thu sim tikah “mimal zalennak” le “mibur zalennak’ ‘thlaraulam zalennak’ ‘ram mipi zalennek’ tivek tongkam pawl hin mitampi thinlung a luah bik dingin a lang. Rampi zalennak thu siloin mimal milai pakhat zalennak thu ruattlang hnik uhsi. “Zalennak” thu theifiang dingin le a zalenmi vekin nung thei dingah ziangvek thil pawlin mimal cu a kai-hremih ‘sal’ ah a canter timi zoh hmaisa hnik uhsi. Zalennak hi pawnlang ttawntem tu hnakin thinlunglam sawnah a tthum aw mi asi. A tlangpi thu in milai hi “duhmi” le “duhlomi” pawlin salah a canter theu. Hi pawl hi fiang deuh in sim hnik uhsi.

Zalennak tongkam ih sullam cu kai-hrem tu um loin tuah duh mimi tuah theinak, duh lomi pohpoh hrial theinak kan ti asile a tawizawngin a lailang zet ding. Cutin asile mi pakhatih zalennak cu ziang a duh ih ziang a duh lo timi parah a thum aw kan ti thei dingin a lang. Cun khatlamah “sal” timi tongkam kan sim fiang tum asile “Mai milai duh thlannak ruangah si loin, a salpu-neitu ih duhmi sawn kha tuah ringringtu, midang (sal-pu) rian dingin a nungtu ti in simtheih asi.

Sim duh mi sawn cu ‘tisa’ le ‘thinlung’ sal ihsin zalennak sawn asi. Milai pakhat cu ‘taksa’ ‘thinlung’ le thlarau’ kawmkhawm mi asivekin ‘thlarau-keimah’ hi lal sawn loin mi tampi cu ‘tisa’ le ‘thinlung’ sal sungah an tangih saltang ka si ti khal an thei aw lo theu. Mi hrekhat cu ‘taksa’ salah an tangih an ‘thlarau-keimah’ cu an taksa parah a hngat awk ruangah an ‘taksa’ in a tlin tawk tiang lawng an damsungah tuah thei dingin an ruat aw theu. Cutin an suangtuahnak le thuruahmi hmuahhmuah khal an taksa dinhmun parah a hngat aw theh theu.Cun mi hrekhat lala cu anmai ‘thinlung’ salah an tangih an lungawi le riahsiat ih zirin an nun cu a nuam nuamlo, a tamtling tlinglo, a famkim kimlo tiah an ruat aw theu. Cuvek ngaingai in an damsung an tawn mi khal an thinlungin a ruahban cin le hmuhban cin par lawngah an hngat aw ih an thinlung diriamnakah an nitin nun cu a hngat aw ringring. Cutikah thinlung cu a hmun dah lo mi, a thleng aw ringring mi, mibum hmang (Bible in a simvekin) asi tikah an nunkhua khal a thleng aw ringring, an lungawinak khal a thleng aw ringring, a hmun dah lo. Acancan ah an thinlungin anmah a pum riangri theu. Milai pakhat cu amah le amah ziang ka si tiah a ruat awk vekin asinak cu asi si loin a thinlung sungah a ruahmi, a thinlung sungah khua a luahtu vekin a hma khua cu a cang sawm mi asi.

Cun milai ‘tisa’ le ‘thinlung’ cu neh tahratin a ‘thlarau-keimah’ parah hngat aw tu hrang achun a ‘tisa’ le ‘thinlung’ in a duh lo zawng a ton tik khalah a ‘thlarau-keimah’ timi cu a hmun ringringih a damsungah a tuah duh mi le tummi pawl khal tuah suak thei dingin ziangtik hmanah a zumnak a thlahtlam dah lo. A mai sinak le a hmakhua a ruat tikah ziang tik hmanah amai ‘tisa’ le ‘thinlung’ parah a thum aw dah lo ih a sungmuril nun ahcun ziangtik lai khalah a hmun ringring mi lamzin zawh in hmai a nawr sinsin thei asi. Pathian zumtu pawl an sile an sungmuril, milai thlarau (siathaheihnak) cu Pathian Thlarau thawn a pehtlai ringring tikah ziangtik lai khalah an nun cu Pathian thawn a peh tlai ringring mi, Bible in “Enock cu Pathian thawn an feh tlang ringring” ati vekin an damdung can an hmang.

Taksa sal sungah a tangtu thu thawn malte sim bet sehla, laimi pawl ruahnakah “keimah” kan ti tikah kan taksa ruangpi kan kawk theu. Cutikah ruangrai tha, cakvak, zoh mawi cu an rak zum aw zet theu. Cule taksa ruangpi in a tlin tawk vial tuah thei dingin an ruat aw theu, cuvek milai pawl cu taksa ruangpi in a neh mi milai an si. A taksa a ttawl, a thau, a ril a rawng a pum a puar, a dam damlo, a mawi a sia timi parah an thinlung hmuahhmuah khal a hngat aw ih taksa ruangpi dinhmun parah an hmailam khal a hngat aw ti ah sim theih asi. American president 32nd nak, Franklin D. Rooservelt kha cuvek milai rak si sehla American president a tuan thei lo lawng si loin a insang hman thaten a kilkhawi in a cawm thei lo ding. Franklin Rooservelt kha kum 39 a kim kum, 1921 ah poliomyelitis timi natnak in a tlakih a ke pahnih in a baita, taksa kim lo ah a cang. Asinan anih cun “Kan ttih ding mi umsun cu ‘ttinak’ lawng hi asi” ti ah ruatin a rak nung. Franklin D Rooservelt ih “thlarau-keimah” cu ‘thinglung’ le ‘taksa’ parah hngat aw mi asilo.
Cutin a “thlarau-keimah” cu ‘thinlung’ le ‘tisa’ sal ihsin a luat mi asi ih a tumtah, lungawi le riahsiatnak cu tisa cahnak le thinlung phurnak parah a tthum aw lo ruangah American rampi in harsatnak maktak an tawn lai fangah president tiang a tuan thei. President a ttuan thawk tikah American misa million 13 hnatuan nei loin ramsung ei-in hawlnak ah harsatnak an tawng. Leitlunah ralpi voihnihnak a thawkih Japan pawlin Pearl Harbor, American tikulh ralkap camp pi kha 7 December 1941 ah an kap . Cuvek harsatnak tikcu can laiah zianghman ttihnak nei loin ral a rak phuang ih Amrican mipi le leitlun ram tampi kha tohkham leng par ihsin a rak kai hruai thei asi. (A ke pahnih a that lo ruangah tohkham leng parah a to ringring mi asi). Cui hleiah American ramih hnatuan nei lo million 13 pawl kha thazang a pek hai ih pursum leilawnnak lamzin tha a hawlsak hai. Cucu mailai ‘tisa’ sal ihsin a luatmi pa ih thuanthu pakhat asi.

A pahnihnakah ‘thinlung’ salah a tangmi pawl thu tawiten’ simhnik uhsi. ‘Thinlung’ salah a tangtu pawl cu anmai thinlung in a uk, a kaihrem ih an thinlung diriamter ding cu thupi bik le an damsan asi sawn. Cutikah, thinlung ruahnak thalo le mi siatsuah thei thinlungput thinlung hiarhalnak, thinhengnak, mi huatnak, riahsiatnak, lungawilonak, thusia cinkennak, thlaphahnak, tihhrutnak, thinlung siatvatnak tvp. in an thinlung a luahkhat ruangah mi tampi cu thinlung salah an cang. AN nunnak pumpuhlum cu an thinlung in a uk vekin an nitin nun cu an thinlungin a kaihruai vekin an cangvai, an tong ih thil an tuah. Cui hlei ah asebik pakhat cu an dunglam thuanthu ih salah an cang; an dunglamah a cangmi in an hmakhua a siatsuat theh. An hmailam cu an dunglam hnakin a thimsawn vekin an hmu, rinhlehnak le ttihnak hlir in an khatih anmah le anmah khal an zum aw ngam lo vekin midang khal an zum ngam lo. An mit in an hmuh thei mi le an nitin nun in a tawn mi lawnglawngin an thinlung cu a luahkhat vekin an hmuh le ton mi ih salah an cang. Anmai thuanthu thalo le thinhengnak pawlin an thinlung a luahkhat ruangah midang par khalah thiltha an hmu thei lo. An hmailamah thiltha thleng ding cu an duh zet nan an thinlung cu thusia le thiltha lo le riahsiatnak lawnglawngin a luahkhat tikah an ruahnakin a neihter mi mithmai sia le a tongsuak termi tongkam tha lo pawl thawn an khat tikah an thinlung duhthusam an tuah suak thei lo lawng si loin kiangkap milai pawl hrang khalah zangfakza an silole hnaihnawkza ah an cang theu. Hmailamah thiltha hmu dingin duhthu a sam tu cun a thinlung sung cu thiltha in luahkhat ter seh, ti asi fawn. Mai milai thinlung sal ihsin a luatzo tu pawl cun an nitin nunah an thinlung cu kholhfai ringring hna an thiam ih a tlunah kan simmi siatsuah theitu thinlung khawruahnak hrimrhim an thinlung sungah an ret duhlo; a tha, a fim, le a hlawhtling dingmi, a thianghlimmi le an milai sinakah Pathian in amai hmuihmel kengin a tuahmi pawl sawn cu nitin cen in nunpi hna an thiam. Curuangah ziangkim an tuah tikah an thinlung, “thlarau-keimah”, le taksa zate tangrualin ziang lamzin an zawh tik khalah a hlawh tling bik khal an si ringring. An hnih tikah an hmurvun merkawi aw men lawng si loin an ‘thinlung’ ‘thlarau-keimah’ sinak thawn a milai sinak sungmuril ihsin an hni siamso ih a mawi hlei ce. An nun in huham a nei; Pathian in milai a sersiam tikah amai hmuihmel a ken termi kha an nunah hmuhtheih in a lang. ‘Thinlung’ saltang mi tampi pawlin milai thinlung luahkhat theu tu, huatnak, iksiknak, hngerteunak, thuanthusia cinkennak, ttihphannak, porh awknak, tvp pawl hi mi siatsuah thei tu tihnung tuk ‘tur’ asi ih cancer natnak pa-ngang in milai tisa a ei siat vekin milai sunglam mawinak hmuahhmuah siatsuahtu asi ti an thei lo. Mi hrekhat cun an thei nan an ‘thinlung’ salah an tang ruangah cu pawl cu an do neh thei lo. AN nitin nunah sal mithmai an keng ringringih an thinlung cu thimnak in a khat.

A netabikah, a nepbik sicuangloin, ‘thlarau-keimah’ zalennak thu sim hrih uhsi. Mi tampi cu Pathian zumtu khristian an ti aw ko nan anmai tuahthatnka, tuahsualnak, famkim lonak parah an hngat awk ringring tikah mah le mah mawhsiat aw ringringin an um. (Cuhnak hmanin midang tuahsiat tuahthatnak parah an lungawinak hngat aw tu pawl cu ziang tluk mi vanduai saw an si). Cuticun Jesu Khrih in a tuahsak zomi thlennak man cu an nunpi thei lo, an hrangah a thahnem lo. Asinan, Khrih ah zalennak a nei tu pawl cu anmai sualnak man hmuahhmuah cu Khrih thisen in a peksak zo ti an theifiangih an nitin nunah a famkim bik si thei an tum na cingin an tlin lo mile famkim lonak pawl ruangah ziangtik hmanah mah le mah mawhsiat aw in an um lo ih Khrih in a tuahsak mi parah nitin lungawinak in an khat sawn. An kiangkapah mi tlamtling lo le harsatnak nei an hmuh tik khalah anmah in an neih mi vek Khrih ih tlennak thisen sunglawi lungawinak cove dingin an duhsak ih ngaidamnak le zangfahnakin an khat. An ‘thlarau-keimah” hrimhrim cu ninghang le riahsia in an um dah lo ih lungawinak hlir in an khat. Cuticun an nitin nunah an kiangkap ah thilcang mi le an nitin nun in a tonmi parah an hngat aw lo ih Pathian in amai hmuihmel kengin a sersiammi, an milai sinak muril Pathian Thlarau thawn a pehzawm aw ringring mi ‘thlarau-keimah’ kaihruainak ah hngat aw aw le tuhlut aw aw in nitin an nungih lungawi siamso ten nitin nun khua an sa asi.

Himi casiarttu lakah “tisa’ le ‘thinlung’ salah a tangtu nan um asile luatnak a um asi. Zalennak ngah na duh asile lamzin a um asi. Tisa cah lonak ruangah nitin nunkhua beidawngin a ummi kan um maw? Thinlung siava neih ruangah mah le mah nitin leitlun hell ah a tang mi kan um maw? Thinhengnak, iksiknak, huatnak, tihnak, thinphannak, le leitlun thinlung hmanrua tha lo thawn hrem rero mi kan um maw? Kiangkap milai pawl tongkam le tuahnak ruangah riahsia rero kan um pang maw? Dunglamah a cang mi thuanthu in salah a tanter mi kan um maw? Dunglam thuanthu in hmailam nunkhua a siatsuahsak mi kan um maw? Zalennak pe thei tu a um asi. Dunglam thuanthu ttha lo sal sungah a tang mi kan um maw? Hmailam thuanthu ruatin khawruah har kan um maw? Zelennak pe thei tu a um asi. Na nitin nunah na hmuh tonmi, taksa in a ton mi le thinlung in a ruatmi, suangtuahnak pawl salah tang nawn loin Pathian in amai hmuihmel keng na ‘thlarau-keimah’ cu zalen zetin nunpi in na leitlun nun cu hmang thlang aw.

Pathian Thu: Milai Phulo, Pathian ih hrilnak

2007-08-22T11:01:00.000-05:00

MAI PHULO IH HRILNAK
EARL BLACKBURN

Lettu,

Hre mang

THUHMAIHRUAI

Leitlun minung sinakin kan sakhuanak, kan hnamdan nunphung le kan nitin nun khawsak nakah kan upa le in hruaitu, zirhtu pawlih hmahruainak hi kan thlunih an thu cu ka pom. Cuvek thotho in kan khristian sakhuanak khalah kan pastor le kawhhran upa le zirhtu pawlin Pathian thu in simmi cu Pathian thu vekin kan zumih kan thlun. Asinan, kannih laimi lakah duh vekin mimal pakhat cio ih Baibal siar le khrih kehramah mahte Baibal siar in thutak hawl hi kan mal zet. Curuangah Pathian thu zirhnak phunphun lakah buainak tampi kan nei ih kan zirhtu le pastor pawlih an zirhmi cu a sual thei ih Baibal thawn kan khaikhin a tul ringring asi ti thei cingin zirhnak thu ah buainak tampi kan nei theu. Curuangah himi hrillawknak lole a ruatcia thu thawn peh aw in ruahdan diklo le bangaw lo tla tampi a um thei ih Baibal vekin ziang in zirh asi ti kan theih nak in bawmtu dingah ti ruahnak thawn cabu fate hi kan tongin tuah asi.
Ca siartu zokhalin Baibal in a simmi vek asi maw silo ti hi ruat cio dingah ka lo fawrh duh. Na ruahdan le na ngaihdan thawn a bangawlo tla a um thei nan Pathian thu in ziang a sim ti Baibal bungcang tarlangmi pawl kha zohfiang aw la, na theihfiang lomi asi lole na theih zomi kha ciang leh fel sinsin in thei in mi hnenah hi thutak hi phuang suak thei dingin nangmah ah hnget zetin na tuh hngetawk hmaisa a tulih thaten zir dingah ka lo duhsak. Ca sungih ta pawl hi ca ngantu in a ngan vekin lehmi asi ih ca lettu ih ruahdan le ngaihdanih tuah le betmi asilo ti khal ka lo theih ter duh. Cu ruangah mi pakhatkhatin a sim ruangah si loin nangmah rori'n Baibal in ziang a sim ti na theih theinak dingah theih tumin zuam cio dingah ka lo fawrh duh bet.

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MAI PHULO IH HRILNAK
EARL BLACKBURN

Milai phulo in Pathian ih hrilnak thu hi ciangzetin theih le tha zetin zir ahcun a tak nunram mi hruai thlengtu le Thlarau nun mi cawmdawltu asi. Baibal in ziangtin a zirh ti ciangzetin a zir le theitu hrangah cun hi thutak hi zianghman elnak
le rinhleh ding a umlo. Asinan, mi tampi in hi thutak an sim tikah mi hrekkhat hrangah cun meisa lakih siti burh vek asi theu.Tuisan Pathian mi-le-sa ti aw pawl mi tampi cu a linglet ih zirhnak Arminian tlawng pawlah Pathian thu an zirih hrillawknak thutak thawn pehparin, hrambur pawl siatsuah loih thinsau zetin a zoh mentu thlarua thlazapnak hnuaiah, duhnung thinsua le thinlung diriam ternak dingin ngilnei zaidam zetin zirh an si theu.
Pathian in milai in zianghman thatnak a neih lo laiah amai zangfahnak liolio in misual cu rundamnak co dingah a hrilnak thu theihfiangnak cun thutak dodaltu pawl cu pahtlang theihlo tlukin a cah lai hmanah zumtu pawl cu thutak hrangah hma a nawr ter vivo ding. Abraham cun a kum a upa ih ruahsan ding zianghman a um nawnlo hnu hmanah zumnakah ruahsannak a neih bangin Pathian duhdawtnakih hrilnak thutak cun Pathian fa le pawl nunah zumnakin ruahsannak a neihter ding.{Rom.4:18}.Milai phulo, milai thatnak ruangah si loin Pathian zangfahnak liolio ih hrilnak thutak hi theihfiang asi tikah thinlung sung ihsin cawimawinak a luangliam ding. Mithianghlim pawl sung murilah Pathian zangfahnakih hrilnak thutak cun a luahkhat tikah sual cu ti-thih in a um ih thianhlim duhnak le thu-awi duhnak nun cu thinlung sungah a hring suak. Kum 100 tluk rei ah khan C.H Spurge in "zangfahnak zirhnakin sualah mi a hruai lo" ti thutlangpi hmangin thu a sim. Hrilnak thutak theihfiangnak hin Pathian fa le pawl thinlung sungah thianghlim nun a rah suak ter asi ti a simfiang duhnak ruangah himi thutlangpi hmangin thu a sim. Pathian zangfahnakih hrilnak thutak hin milai porh-awknak le puarthaunak hnakin hnuaidawrnak, nunnemnak le pek-awknak nun a suahter sawn asi. Milai porhawknak cu hlawnhloh asi dingih puarthaunak cu namthlak asi ding. Hi thutak zirhnakih man le tangkainak cu milai tehfung thawn cuaithlai theih asilo. Asinan, Pathian zangfahnak a colotu thenkhat pawl le theihnak a tlasamtu hrekkhat pawl cun Pathian in thleidan a nei asi, Pathian in in hril ahcun milai in tuah ding kan nei nawn lo ih kan duhduh in um ding kan si tiah porh-awknak tongkam thawn an sim theu.

Cuti asilaiah, zangfahnak thlaruain "nangcu sual lakah mithi, thiltha tuah thei mi zianghman nei lo, satan fa, Pathian ih ral na rak si ih na sungah zianghman thatnak a um lo, Pathian hril theinak khal na neilo, na thatnakbik hman cu Pathian hmaiah tenumza, luaksuakza, le Pathian thinhengnak fa na si. Asinan, Pathian in amai zangfahnak ruangah a fapa neihsun cu a lo pek, na siatnak hmuahhmuah cu a lo phurhsak thluh ih Pathian in Khrih ahcun fa ah a lo pom zo asi. Cucu nangmai thatnak le nangmah in Pathian na duhnak ruangah siloin amai duhthlannak, lunghmuinak, tumtahnak le zangfahnak ruangah misual tampi lakah rundam si dingin a lo hrilih na thlarau a thi mi cu sersiam thar in nunthar le thinglungthar, miziathar, dinhmunthar le fa sinak cu a lo pek asi, leitlun ram tinih rundamnak a colotu pawl khal nangmah hnakin thatlonak le sualnak hleice an nei cuanglo, an hmai khal a se cuanglo, an hmel khal ase cuanglo, an farah in huat thlala an si cuanglo. Asinan , Pathian in a lo duhdawtnak hleice ruangah rundamnak thuthangtha cu theihter na si ih Pathian ah amah Pathian in fa sinak dinhmun nei in a lo tuah asi tiah theihtermi zumtu, misual santlai lo hrang ahcun ziangtlukin Pathian zangfahnak cu a sunglawiih zo in saw Pathian hmaiah hngal zetin porh-awknak tongkam thawn a tong rero in a nung ngam ding. Hla phuahtu pakhat cun,"Mangbangza Pathian zangfahnak, kei misual hi ziangruangah i rundam ti ka thei lo. Leitlunah kei hnakin mitha tampi an um, asinan kei misual bik pa hi Pathian in ziangruangah i rundam ti ka theilo, mangbangza Pathian zangfahnak asi" a ti. Hitin kan sim laiah phulo ih hrilnak hi thlirdan pali in zohhnik uhsi.

1. HRILNAK IH UMZIA

1. HRILNAK cu sanmureng rei ihsin Pathian hnatuan asi.(Eph.1:4; II The2:13; IITim 1:9). Pathian in in hrilnak cu kanmah in Khrih kan hril hnuah asilo ih, Khrih kan thlan thei hlanih Pathian hnatuan sawn asi. Pathian in in hrilnak le thlannak cu kanmah in kan thlan thei hlanah asi ih leilung sersiam hlanih Pathian hnatuan sawn asi. (Thup17:8;13:8) ih a sim vekin tuu fano ih nunnak cabu cu tikcu le caan a thawk hlanah ngan asizo.

2. HRILNAK cu milai tlinnak ruangah siloin milai phulo mi Pathian ropitnakah, amai duhthlannak vekin asi sawn. Pathian in misual pawlih thinlung thleng ding le amah an zum ding kha a rak hmuhcianak ruangah le amah an zumih thiltha an tuah lai dingmi a rak hmuhcianak ruangah asi fawnlo. Asinan, Pathian in amai lunghmui zawngin misual pawl kha rundamnak coter dingah a hrilcia sawn mi an si ( Eph. 1:5:2:8,9; Rom.9:11: I Pit.1:2). Misual pawlin thil pakhatkhat an tuah ruangah le an tuah lai ding ruangah siloin Pathian in amai lunghmuinak vekin a thu hnuaiih nung dingah a rak hrilnak asi sawn.

3 HRILNAK cu mimalah a tuan.(Dung.13:48;Rom.9:11), Paulin Thesolonika khua ih zumtu pawl hnenah hitin a sim."Duhdawtmi unau pawl, Pathianih hrilmi nan si ti ka thei".(I The.1:4).

HRILNAK in a tumnetnak cu Pathian sunlawinak asi ih, Pathian lungkimmi asi (Eph.1:4-6). Pathian in amai lunghmuinak vekin a hrek pawl cu a hrilih a hrek pawl cu a tanta, cuticun ni neta bikah amah lawng cawimawi asi ding. (I.Kor.1:30,31).

Rome cakuat 9:16,20,21 ah hitin a sim, tawpcin neilo ih a thianghlimmi le lei le van Pathian ih tuahmi ziang hmuahhmuah cu a tha. Minungin mi an hril tikah dinhmun, nunkhawsak daan, sinak, hnatuan, neihnak le lenglamih langdan pawl zirin an hril asi theu nan, cui minungih an ruat thupi zetmi pawl cun Pathian thinlung zianghman a ti danglamlo. Ziangah tile a sia a tha, a cak le cak lo, a mawi le mawilo, duh umle umlo tiah milai in an ruahmi hmuahhmuah khal an zate'n Pathian sersiammi an si ih anmah le sinak cio in man a neither thluhmi an si. Mi pakhatkhat kha rundamnak co dingah a ruatih a hril tikah cui misual pai sunglam nunah thatnak maw, siatnak maw a hmuh cia nak ruangah asilo. A hrilnak cu amai duhnak le lunghmuinak vekin a tuahmi asi ih zaah za a dik asi.

6. HRILNAK cu miphun hrilbik nei in, Isreal hnam par lawngah a tawp lo ih miphun hmuahhmuah le tong hmuahhmuah hnenah karhzai ter asi (Rom.9:24). Mi pakhat cu phun le hnam, leitlun sinak le hlawn thilri, leitlun fimthiamnak pakhatkhatah hngataw in a porh-aw rero men thei. Asinan, hivek leitlun sinak le hlawnthil-le-ri pawl hin sersiamtu Pathian thinlung zianghman a ti danglam cuanglo. Miphun dangdang, tong citinkim, mibur phunphun le ram tinkim lak ihsin a duhmi le a lunghmui zawng cu amai tumtahnak le zangfahnak in a hril hai asi.(Thup.5:9).

7. Pathian in a huham cahnakin a tlak lomi le a phulomi misual pawl kha rundamnak co dingah a hrilnak cu thleng theihlo, a takih cangmi le famkim zetin tuah pitlinmi asi. Lalpa Pathianin a thlanciami lak ihsin pakhat hman a hlawn dah lo ih a betdah fawn lo. A hrilciami mipum zat cu sankhuk rei ihsin siatthei loin retcia mi asi. A hrilciami pawl cu a ko ih, a kawhmi (a hrilciami) pawl cu thiam a co ter hnuah nineta bikah cawimawi in an um ding (Rom.8:28-30:Tim.2;19). Rundamtu in hiti'n a sim,"Hihi I thlahtu Pa ih duhthlanmi asi, Ka hnenih i pekmi hmuahhmuah pakhat hman ka hlohter lo ding, ni neta bikah ka kai tho hai sawn ding a si" (John.6:39). Ka pai kutsungih ta zohmanin in laksak theilo ding, Ka Pa le keimah cu pumkhat kan si. Pathian in a Fapa thisenin a thlenmi mithianghlim pawl siatsuah dingin ziang sersiammi par hmanah thu a pe dahlo ding.

8. Hi thutak zirhnak hi Paul lawngih rak zirh le aupi reromi asilo, Lal Jesu amah rori in a rak zirh a si. Rundamtu in leitlunah rawngbawlnak a thawh tikah a thusim hmaisa bik cu Nazaret ah a si (Lk.4:16-30). Jesu in, Elijah san laiah Pathian in Isreal nuhmei pawl kha kaan tahratin ramthim nuhmei pawl hnenah kamsang a kuat thu kha a sim. Cucu hrilnak asilo ahcun ziang a si ding? Mi tampi kaan tahratin a tlinlo le a phulo tu milai pawl hnenah zangfahnak le duhdawtnak a petu kha Pathian asi. Jesu in cang neta ah a simnawn bet, Kamsang Elisa san laiah Isreal ramah miphar tampi an um nan Syria mi Naaman siarlo zohman tithianghlim an silo. Jesu in a sim betmi cu, Pathianin mi tampi kaan tahratin mi pakhat hnenah duhsaknak a pek thu a sim. Pathian zangfahnakih hrilnak thu thawn peh aw in Jesui zirhmi in ziang a hringsuak? Mipi pawl kha an lung a awi maw? Hlawptlo zetin zirhnak cu an sang maw? Cang 28, 29 nakin in simmi cu "thinteunakin an khat"ih a mah thah an tum ti asi. Pathian fa le pawlin rin um zetin Pathian thutak cu sim le phuansuah asi tikah cuvek dodalnak cu ton a si theu. Pathian zangfahnakih hrilnak thu zirhnak ruangih hngirteunak in a khatmi thlarau cu Khrih ih Thlarau asilo, minungih dodalnak asi sawn. Kan Lalpa in thuthianghlim dang khalah hrilnak thutak hi a zirh. (Mth.11:25-27; John 6:37,39;15:16,19). Zohmanin Paul ih zirhnak hin Khrih a dodal an ti thei lo dingih Jesui zirhnak khal hi Paul ih zirhnak thawn a kalh aw asi ti theinak an neilo. Paul in a zirhmi pawl hi a mah rundamtu Khrih hnen ihsin a dawnmi pawl lawng an si. C.H .Spurgeon in a simdah bangin, ka sim rero mi hi thuanthu thar le zirnak thar a silo. A hnget khoh zetmi kan pupa san lai ih zirhnak hi ka zirh duhmi a si. Mi hrekkhat cun himi hrillawknak zirhnak hi Calvinism an ti. Asinan, Calvinism thluntu lakah Haiper Calvinism (Calvin ih zirhnak a hleihluatih fehpitu pawl ) thluntu an um. Annih cun milai ih mawhphurhnak pawl cu an ngaihthah ih Pathian huham cahnak lawngah an hngatawk tikah Pathian in milai parah mawhphurhnak a pekmi an ruat tel nawnlo. Curuangah Pathian zangfahnakih hrillawknak thu hi Pathian thuthianghlim in a zirh vekin kan theihthiam ih kan nunpi thei ding hi a thupi zetmi asi. Pathian in amai hmin sunlawinakah ziangkim a sersiam tikah a sersaimmi pawl parah mawhphurhnak nei in a sersiamih a duhnak vekin ziangkim cu tuahsuak asi theu.

9. HRILNAK cu a tikcu te ah a fiangih zumtui nunram hmuahhmuah ah a luahkhat. Thesolonika zumtu pawl kha Pathian ih hrilmi an sinak thu ciangfel dingah zirh an si. ( I The. 1: 4). Leilung sersiam hlan, sankhuk rei ihsin rundam si dingah thlan an si vekin a tikcu te ah rundamnak co dingah kawh an si (II The 2:13, 14 ). Cui Pathian Thlarau hnatuannak cun an nunram hmuahhmuah fangsuakin hmual a nei. Cui tlunah, Paul in Kolosian mi pawl hnenah thu a sim tikah fiangzetin a sim fawn, ''Pathian hrilmi, thianghlim le duhdawtmi….''tiah a ti ( kol 3: 12-4 : 6 ). Pathian zangfah hrilnakin zumtui nunah hmun a luah tikah a thinlung ruahnak, midang unau pawl thawn an pawlkawmnak, a innsang minung pawl thawn an pehtlaih awknak, le a hnatuannakih a pehtlaihmi milai pawl le a mawhphurhnak neihmi hmuahhmuah ah a lang dingih a nunram pumhlum in Pathian zangfahnak cun a luahkhat thluh ding. Hihi theih ringring dingmi asi, nun thianhlimnak hi Pathian ih hrilmi, Khrih thisen in a khawlhfaimi, Pathian fa le pawl hminsinnak asi. Nunthianhlimnak a umlonak hmunah Pathian zangfahnak ih hrilnak, rundamnak le Pathian fa sinak khal a umlo! Curuangah Piter in hril le kawh kan sinak ciang dingah in simnak asi ( II pit. 1:5- 11).

10. A neta bikkah kan theih dingmi cu hrilnak hi rundamnak hrang lawngah asilo, sawmnak le hnatuannak khal asi sawn. Khrih in kaithluntu hleihnih pawl kha a thlang ( John . 6: 70) ih Paul kha hnatuanbik nei ah a thlang (Dung. 7:15, 16: 17: 26).

HRILNAK THU THAWN PEHAW IN BAPTIST PAWL IH DINHMUN THUANTHU

Hmun duh um zetzetah Baptist pawl lak ihsin kan neihmi ro thil tha zetzet kan nei. Kannih hi tuisun ih minung kan siloih mizan ih minung kan si sawn. Kan kawhhran pupa pawlin kan thlun ding lamzin in zirhmi thuthlangpi pawimawh lakih pakhat cu "Baibal hi kan zumnak le kan tuahnak hrangih hngatawknak tobul umsun a si"ti asi. Baptist pawlin hitin an sim, Baibal in pakhatkhat a zirh asi ahcun zumih thlun ding asi ih cuvek thotho in Baibal in pakhatkhat a mawhthluk asi ahcun cucu doding asi. Asinan, riahsiat thlak zetin tuisanih zumtu a ti aw mi tampi cun leitlun sakhua biaknak dang thluntu pawl bangin, kan sakhua hotu pakhatkhat maw kan uar zawng thusim thiam pakhatkhat ih simmi hi Baibal in ziang a sim ti hnakin kan ngai pawimawh sawn theu. Asinan, Baptist pupa pawl hin Pathian thu Baibal in a simmi cu thlun dingah thinlung put hngetkhoh zet thawn Pathian thu cu a sual theilo asi tiah an pomih Baibal in a zirhmi hrillawknak cu an zumih an aupi in an phuangsuak asi.

Kan pupa pawlih zumnak cu kawmkelah thuhruk men an si loih an thurin le zumnak lamhruaitu cu mi zapi theih dingah ca ah ngan an si, an zumnak le tuahnak thurin pawl le thusuah pawl cu kanmah santhar zumtu pawlih pom le thlun dingah le kan zirhawknak ih kan hman dingah tha zetin ret an si. An zumnak ih an fehpimi thawn pehpar in zianghman lamzin hran le sim ding le sawisel ding kan neilo. An thurin le an zumnak ih an fehpimi pawl hi an fiang zet, an dunghnu ah an tesinfa pawlin thlun dingah ret that le kilkhawi that an si. Curuangah theihngilh lo dingin casungah ngan an si ih sankhat hnu sankhat ret thatih zumnak thurin ah hman an si. Ruahnak tha lo thlisia in voi tampi nuai theu hman sehla Pathian thutak zirhnak cu Thlarau in Pathain fa le pawl hrangah himten a kil ringring. Kan hmaithitu pawlin hrillawknak ziangtin an zum ti zohhnik uhsi.

Santhar Baptist hmaruaitu, Waldenses pawl kha Switzerland ah A.D 1120 ah an tongaw ih zumnak thusuah tawite an rak suah. An thusuah ih telmi thutlang pawl cu Baibal lawng hi zumnak le tuannak hram; minung sinak ih tlinlonak; kawhhran thawinak pahnih (zumtu tihnimnak le Lalpai zanriah) le a dang pawl; le kumkhua nunnak nei dingah Pathian zangfahnak ih hrillawknak thu pawl tla an si. Sankhuk nunnak co dingah hrillawknak thuthawn peh awin Waldensian pawlih thusuah mi cu; "Pathian in leilung sersiam hlan ihsin a hrillawkmi pawl kha siatnak le sankhuk hremhmun ihsin a rundam hai. Anmai mizia sinak pakhatkhat ruangah si loin, zumnak le thianhlimnak an sungah a rak hmuhcia ruangah khalah si loin, A Fapa Jesu Khrih sungih a duhdawtnak ruangah, a dang a tangmi pawl kha lanta tahratin mawhthluk theih rual lo amai a zalenmi duhthlannak le diknak thu ruangih a hrilciami an si". Hi thusuahhi kum zabi hleiruk (16) a thawk pek, hramtohsalnak (reformation) a thawk hlan kum 400 hrawng rei ih thusuahmi asi.

Baptist thusuah lakih a lar bik ti theihmi pakhat cu London ih a voihnihnak thusuah 1689 kumih zumnak thusuah a si. Cucu Baptist Pastor 37 pawl lungrualih thusuahmi asi. A hmaisa bikah, kum 1689 ah ca in nganih suah asi. Keimah bulpak cun kum 1689 ih zumnak thusuah hi Baibal thurin lailangtu bik asi ih a tha bik a si tiah ka zum.

Pathian thupek thawn peh awin an thusuah thlur 3-6 nakah a hnuailam vekin kan hmu thiei.

3. A sunlawinak puanzarnak dingah Pathian thupek asi. Milai hrekkhat le vancungmi hrekkhat pawl cu ruatcia in an um, a dang zawngin ka sim asile, a zangfahnak sunglawi ropi sunlawihnak ah Jesu Khrih sungah sankhuk nunnak nei dingah milai hrekkhat le vancungmi pawl cu ruahman cia in an um; cule a dang hrekkhat pawl kha an sualnak kha tuahsuak ih an tontlakmi sankhuk hremhmun sung lut dingah tanta an si. Cucun diknak Pathian a sizia a sunlawihter (I Tim.5:21; Mth.25:34; Eph,1:5,6; Rom .9:22,23; Jude4 ).
Himi ruatcia le ruahmancia vancungmi le milai pawl cu a hran liolio le thleng theih rual loin nemhnget cia an si, an tam le mal cu ciang felfel in thum le bet theih rual asilo. (II Tim .2;19; John13:18).

5. Kumkhua nunnak nei dingah Pathian in a ruatciami minung pawl cu, a rawp thei lomi Pathian ih tumtahnak le duhthlannak ih a lunghmuimi a thuthennak ropi in, sersiammi ziangthil hmanih ti danglam theinak um loten Amah Pathian ih a lak a simi a zangfahnak le duhdawtnak in Khrih sungah a kumkhua sunlawinak ah a hril (thlan) mi an si. (Eph.1:4,9,11; Rom 8:30; IITim .1:9;I The .5:9; Rom .9:13,16. Eph .2:5.12).

6. Hrilciami pawl cu Pathian ih cawimawinak co dingah rua-hmanciami an si. Cule, sankhuk zalennak a neimi Pathian ih duhthlannak in a tulmi hmuahhmuah cu amah Pathian lala in a timtuah sak thluh. Adam ruangih a tlusia zomi lak ihsin a hrilciami pawl cu hmualnei zetin kawh an si ih Khrih sungah rundam an si. Cumi tuahsuaknak dingah cun thlarau thianghlim in a tikcu teah hna a tuanih an sualnak thianfai in, fa ah pom an si ih ti-thianghlim an si. Cule thlarua thianghlim in lam a hruai ih rundammi fa le vekin zumnakin an nung asi. Pathian ih ruatcia le khawkhancia nak sungih a tel lo tu pawl cun hmualnei zetih kawhnak cu an colo ih, an sual khal thianfaisak an silo tlunah, Pathian in fa ah a pom hai lo. Pathian thuthangtha simmi cu ngai in khristian sakhua nakah taima zetin hma la tu khal an si thei nan, hmualnei ih kawhnak an colo ih Pathian inn sungsang ah tel theinak an nei lo. Ti-thianhlim khal an si lo ruangah Khrih sungah rundamnak khal an colo ih rundammi khal an si lo. (I Pit.1:2; II The.2:13; IThe .5:9,10: Rom.8:30: IPit 1:5; John.10:26;17:9; 6:24).

Kum 1833 ah saklam American Baptist pawlin Hamsphire ah zumnak thusuah thar an tuah . Cui an thusuah ah an thuthlangpi ih an hmanmi cu "Pathian zangfahnakih tumtahmi".(Of God 's purpose of Grace ) ti asi.
An thu suahmi cu a hnauilam vekin asi.

"Pathian in a zangfahnakin misual pawl a rak hrilcianak cu sankhuk rei ihsin Pathian in a rak tumtahcia mi asi ti kan zum. Amah in a sunglawi zetmi hrintharnak a pek vekin misual pawl kha a thianter ih a rundam hai, an nunnak hrangih a tulmi hmuahhmuah khal an rundamnak thawn milaw in a tuahsak thluh. Hitin Pathian ih thatnak, fimnak, thianhlimnak, zalennak , a thu hngehkhohzia le a ropitnak pawl a langter. Hi thutak hin porhawknak pawl cu a hloh ter lellel ih hnuaidawrnak, dutdawtnak, thlacamnak, thangthatnak , Pathianah hngat awknak, le Pathian ih ngilneihnak pawl kha nunah lang dingin nunpinak pawl a suahter. Cucun, zumtu pakhat cio in an co mi thlawsuah pawl kha a tha bik le a man nei bikin hman thiamnak a suahter. Cuitlunah thuthangtha zumtu pawl nunah cianfelnak a neihter ih khristian nun cianfelnak hrampi asi. Cuticun zumtu ih nunah ciangfel nun nunpi dingah le ngilnei zaidam nunih nung dingah lam mi a hruai".Hamsphire zumnak thusuahthar ih thutlang sirhsanmi pawl cu (II Tim.1:8,9: Eph.1:3-4: The.2:13-14: Dung.13:18,19: Rom.9:10-23: Jame 1:17: I Koe.4:7; II Tim.2:10).
Himi thusuah thotho hi thlanglam American pawlin 1925 kumah an hmang. Cumi hnu reilo teah thlanglam American Baptist pawl hrekkhatin himi hrillawknak zirhnak hi an rak tlansan nan tulai Baptist zumtu tamzet cu himi hrillawknak thutak zirhnak ah an kirsal. Robert B. Selp ih nganmi cabu ''Thlanglam Baptist le hrillawknak zirhnak'' timi hi Baptist pupa pawl zumnak zohsalnak bawmtu tha pakhat asi. A cabu hminih a tarlang bangin, thlanglam Baptist pawlin hrillawknak zirhnak thawn peh aw in ziangvek dinhmunah an ding ti a tarlang. Cuitlunah hrilhlawknak zirhnak thu vekin kan thlun ve dingah a sim bet. ( Cui cabu na lei duh a sile, a hnuailamih a dress ah cakuat aw: Sprinkle pubication S.P.O.Box. 1094, Harrisoburg, VA 22901, USA). Tuihlan kum reilo teah hrilhlawknak zirhnak hngetkhoh zetin rak pomtu Baptist zumtu hminthang pawl an hmin run tarlang dingin tikcu le can in in on lo ding. Himi thlawhsuahmi thutak zumtu malte pawl hmin lawng ka run tarlang ding: John Bunyan, Andrew Fuller, Williamcarey, Adoniaram Judson le C.H.spurgeon pawl tla an si. Tulaisanih Baptist zumtu unau pawl hin tuihlanih Baptist pupa pawlih zumnak an thlun asi ahcun milai phulo cingin Pathian zangfahnakih hrilnak hi an zum in an thlun dingih rinum zetin an phuang suak tengteng ding. Kawhhran pawlin khros parih nehnak hi hmaiah suangin an au pi ding asi. Hrilhlawknak thu fel zetin theihlo nakin khros ih thiltitheinak, huham cahnak le khros ih san pawl hi a hloh phah. Curuangah a cak lomi le a famkim lomi thutak cun misual pawl kha an sualnak sungih sin a runsuak thei lo ih, Pathian mi thianghlim pawl hnatuannak khalah an ral donakah bawmnak a pe thei lo. J.I. Packer in lailanten hitin a sim, ''Khatlamah, milai ih selinglet thluh zo dinhmun le milai phulo cingih hrilnak, cun khatlamah elruallo ih zangfahnak le kumkhua nunnak hrangih ruatcianak hi thuthangtha ih sungmuril a si ti kan hmuhthei hlan cu Khros ih sullam taktak hi kan hmu thei lo ding''. Tulai Baptist kawhhran zumtu pawl khal hin kan pupai' ro in tantami thlawhsuahnak le cawimawinak sungah kan kirsal ding asi ahcun hrillawknak Baibal thutak ah kan kirsal a tul.

III. HRILLAWKNAK ZIRHNAK IH THATHNEMNAK

Pathian zangfahnak thutak zirhnak hin zumtu pawl hrangah sim cawk lo thatnak a nei asi. Zumtu pawlih nitin hmuhtonmi thu tlangpi a tuam kim thluh. Mi pakhatin Pathian zangfahnakin misual dang pawl tampi rundam in an umlo lai ah, hril a sinak a theihfiang asi ahcun Thumkawm Pathian upatnak le ngainatnak thawn a thinlung sung ihsin thangthatnak le cawimawinak a luangliam ding (Rom11:33.36). Cawimawinak, lungawithu simnak le biaknak kha duhdawtnak thinlung sungin a luangliam ding. Pathian in misual santlailo le Pathian ral asi lai hmanah a duhdawtih a hrangah thiltha a tuahsak nak a theihfiang tikah a nunhlun, Pathian duhlo zawngih nunnak ihsin a her kir dingih Pathian thu hnuai ah a tuhlut aw ding. Cuticun hrillawknak a theihfiang ahcun ziangruangah Krih cu duhdawt ding ka si ti cu sim rero tul loin a theifiang ding (I John 4:19). Pathian duhdawtnakin Jesu Khrih sungah a hrangah a rak tuahsakmi pawl a theihfiang tikah a thinlung sungah duhdawtnak a hring suak dingih cui duhdawtnak cun a nun lam a hruai ding. Pathian in kan hrangah a duhdawtnak hi, a ral pa ih dung kan thlun rero lai hmanah, a hmun camcin asi ti in theihter tikah kan thinlung le ruahnak sungah duhdawtnak le hnuaidawrnak a suahter. Pathian in a duhdawtmi a Fapa hmangin ziangruangah kan hrangah thiltha a rak tuah? Pathian thinhengnak hnuaiah ansedawng kan silaiah ziangtin Pathian zangfahnak ngilneihnak hnuai ah fa dinhmunah kan ding thei? Aral le a huat bikmi dinhmunih kan dinlai hmanah in duhdawt thei tu Pathian ih duhdawtnak cu ziangvek duhdawtnak saw asi? Himi ruahnak hin kan thinlung sung in luahkhat tikah Pathian hmaiah thinlung tangdawrnak thawn khukbilin in kir ter dingih sual ihsin in tlan suakter ding.
Hrillawknak zirhnakih thathnemnak dang pakhat cu, Pathian in a zangfahnak cotu sidingah in ruatcia ih, a duhdawtnak a fapa sungih a langtermi thuthangtha hmangin in ko, ThlarauThianghlim rawngbawlnak le Fapa thisenin in thianfai ih a ra lai ding tikcu le caan ah in cawimawi leh ding asi tiah ciangzetin kan thinlung sungah in theihter. A zangfahnak ruangah a lakin thianfai kan si ahcun diknak le ropitnak Pathian in a hrilcia mi le a thianfai zomi pawl parah siatnak mawhphurhnak a thlenter lo ding ticu a fiang asi. Duhdawtnak Pathian in kan suahhlan ihsin, kan pianthar hlan -a ralpa satan fa dinhmun ah kan din lai hmanah a duhdawtnak ruangah a fapa neihsun thihnak ruangah kan sual in thianfai ih a fa dinhmunah in dinter asi ahcun kan pianthar hnu, Pathian fa tiah kawh kan si hnu ih lei tisa taksa sual mizia sungih talbuainak le kan ralpa satan ih dodalnak le leitlun saulih hnaihnawknak pawl lakih harsatnak lak ihsin a duhdawtnak cun in runsuak hrimhrim ding asi. Pathian duhdawtnak sungih sin zianghman in in then thei lo ding. Amah cu kan ta, kan lamtang a sinak cu "a duhdawtnak in mithianghlim le sawisel ding umlo" si dingah kawh kan si ih a fale dinhmunah in tuah zo nak hin a fiangter zo a si ( Rom 8:25-39; Eph 1:4 ). Kan sungah thiltha tuah a thawk tu cun khrih ih famkimnak ni sunglawi a thlen tiang zianghman thlaksammi um loin a tuah sunzawm vivo ding asi ti a fiang (Phi1:6).

Pathian zangfahnak ih hrillawknak zirhnak hin zumtu pawl sunglam nunah daihnak le thlakamnak sunglawi a suahter asi ti sim ta loin ka thu ka tawp ter sianglo. Pathian tuu rual pawl hin an rundamnak cu fimnak hmuahhmuah hrampi, ngilneihnak ih khat rundamtu, lei le van thuneihnak hmuahhmuah neitu, Pathian kut sungah a um asi ti an theih tikah an sunglam minung sinak cu daihnak ropi in a luahkhat ih an thinlungih rinhlelhnak sumzing pawl kha a haai kiang thluh asi.

IV. HRILLAWKNAK ZIRHNAK HIN ZUMTUI NUNAH THUTHANGTHA PHUANSUAHNAK THINLUNG LE THLAWSUAHMI NUNTUDAN PAWL A SUAHTER.
Pathian zangfahnak ih hrillawknak dodaltu pawlin, "milai phulo ih hrillawknak zirhnak hi miin an zum asi ahcun mi-hlo, thlarau hlo pawl hnenah thuthangtha an sim dahlo ding, misual pawl Khrih hnenah hruai an tum dahlo ding" an ti. Hitin a ruattu cu Pathian thu a hawl tikah, Pathian in a fapa, a kamsang le a dungthluntu pawl hmangin in zirhmi thutak ah hngataw loin, hrillawknak thuthawn pehawin, a mai neihciami ruahnakah a hngataw sawn asi. Milai ruahnak in a cangthei maw cang theilo ti ruahnak hnakin Pathian thu in ziang a sim timi theih duhnak le pom duhnak, hngat awk duhnak thawn Pathian thu kan hawl lo asi ahcun kanmai ruahnak thawn a mil awlo mi Pathian thutak pom theinak kan nei dahlo dingih milai suangtuahnak sungah kan cambang ringring ding.
Pathian in a thawk ( lei le van sersiam thawk) ihsin a cemnet (lei le van cemnak ni netabik ) tiang ih thilthleng ding pawl kha a rak nemhnget cia ( Isai.46: 10) lawg si loin a tawp tiangah thilthleng ding pawl hmuahhmuah thlenter dan ding pawl khal a rua-hman cia thluh. Hrilcia mi pawlcu rundam an si tengteng ding, asinan Pathian thu theihnak um loin rundam an si theilo ( Rom 10:7). Pathian in a hrilcia mi pawl rundamnak dingah a hmanmi buangrua pawl cu thuthangtha phuansuahnak, thuthangtha karhzai ternak ,thlacamnak, le zumtu thianghlim nunpawl an si. Cu pawl cu tuah famkim dingah Pathian in a Fapa leithlunah a thlah ih milai rundamnak dingah a tulmi pawl cu Fapa in famkim zetin a tuahthluh. Cule, Fapa in a tuah famkim zomi bungrua le hmanrua pawl cu Pathian mi thianghlim pawlin an hmangih rawng an bawl tikah Pathian thlarau in thutak eng cun Pathian hrilciami pawl thinlung sungah a kap engih sualsirnak ah hruai in, an thlarau cu a tinungih nunthar nei in Pathian fapa zumnak a neihter. Cutin ka sim tikah, Pathian Thlarau cun milai sia-tha-theihnak thinlung le duhthlan theinak thinlung cu thahrum hmangin a lotheihlo in a nawrhmawh asi ka tinak asi loih thuthangtha cu hrilciami pawl hnenah theihter asi tikah Thlalrau Thianghlim cun hrilcia mi pawl sunglam nunah thutak engin a sun engih a sun eng hnuah an thlalrau cu nunthar a pek, theihnak dik a neihter, cule milai ( hrilciami ) cun a mah minung sinak diktak le Pathian duhdawtnak thutak cu theihfiangnak a neih tikah lamzin dikah amai duhthlannak liolio in a kir salih Pathian Fapa zumnak ih nung dingin thu a tiamkam awknak asi sawn. Pathian Thlalrau in milai lamzin fehnak hlun a sualzia le a tihnungzia le Pathian duhdawtnak a theihtermi pawl cu zohman ih fial tul nawn loin an lamzin hlun ihsin an kir salih Pathian duhdawt zangfahnak cu mak ti in mangbangza zangfahnak ruangah Pathian hmaiah khukbilin an tapsuak sawn asi. Pathian in milai pianthar ter dingah tha-hrum a hmang lo, a duhdawtnak ih huham cahnakin a hrilciami pawl thinlung cu a neh sawn asi.
Hrillawknak zirhnak hin Pathian thuthangtha phuansuahnak le rawngbawl dingah zumtu pawl tirhsuaknak hi ziangtik hmanah a kalh dahlo ih a dodal dahlo, tha a pe sawn asi. Khrih theihpi tu le kawhhran dintu pawl kha Khrih in a rak simcia vekin (John 10:16 ), misual tampi rundam an si dingih kawhhran sungah kawmcih an siding ti thei in ralthatnak thawn hmai ah an nawr. Paul kha Kawrin khua ah rawng a rak bawl tikah Lalpa in hitin tha a rak pe," Hi khuasungah hrilciami mi tampi ka nei" tiin. Paul kha Khrih ih hmin a thei dah lo tu pawl hnenah thuthangtha a rak phuangin a theihtawp suah in a rak zuam rero asi ti kan thei. (Rom 15:20 ). Cule hrilciami pawl rundam an sinak ding le Khrih sungah a kumkhua in cawimawi an si theinak dinigah ziang hmuahhmuah kha a rak tuar (IITim 2:10). Arminian pawl ruahnak thawn kalh awin, Pathian zangfahnak in misual pawl a rak hrilcia (ruatcia) asi ti zirhnak hin Baibal vekin Thuthangtha phuansuahnak a suahter sawn asi. A dungthluntu pawl sanlai ihsin thuthangtha simtu (evangelist) ropi le tirhsuakmi (missionary) pawl lakah hrillawknak zirhnak a pomtu le a zirhtu pawl hmin tarlang a tul dingmaw? Malte lawng ka run tarlang ding: John Calvin, John Knox, GeorgeWhiteefield, Daniel Rowlanda, Jonathan Edward, William Carey, Samuel Zwemer, le midang pawl an si. Mi pakhatkhatin Pathian zangfahnakin hrillawknak zirhnak hi fiangfai zetin a theih asi ahcun "hrilciami pawl hrangah zianghmuahhmuah tuar ve" in raltha le thatho zetin Khrih thuthangtha phuangsuak tu ah a cang ding.
A netabikah, himi Pathian zangfahnak thutak sual theilo vekin Baibalin a zirhmi cu kan zumih kan phuansuah tengteng a tul asi. Pathian ih a ruatcia (hrillawknak) zirhnak thu thawn peh aw in, mi pakhatkhatin a theih lomi tampi a um ding nan, hi zirhnak thutak sunglawi hi hlawn theih asilo. Himi thutak sunglawi hi duhum le phuansuah hrimhrim ding asi. Ziangah tile Baibal cathianghlim cu a thu in fiangzet le huham cahnak thawn in theihter mi a si.
"Pathian in a mai zangfahnak, lainatnak ruangah a tumtah le a lunghmui zawng vekin a lo ruatcia ih a lo hrilcia vekin Thuthangtha theihternak in a lo ko ih, a thlazap nak hnuaiah a lo humhim tlunah, a ra thleng lai dingmi ni sunglawi ni ah Fapa ih sunlawinak tawmtu dinhmunah dingin a lo cawimawi lai ding ruangah tui na nunah nun thianghlim nei dingin Thlarau Thianghlim hnatuannak le rawngbawlnak in a lo thianter rero ih a duat zetmi fa vekin a lo kilvennak thutak cu na hnenah theihter asizo ruangah na nunnak ah nunthar, thlarauthar, thinlungthar, dinhmunthar le Fapa ih ro tawmtu dinhmun in fa sinak tiang a lo pekmi pawl hmuahhmuah cu hi leitlun na damsung tawite ah a hmin sunlawinak hrangah hmang aw ve thlang aw. Na sungih thiltha tuah a thawk tu cun a tawptiang a tuahsuak ding asi. Na suahhlan le na umnak leilungpi sersiam asi hlanah a lo thei in a lo ruatcia zo, misual, satan dungthlun le Pathian ral na si lai hmanah a lo duhdawtih a Fapa neihsun a lo petu na Pathian cun a Fapa sungah 'ka fa' na si tiah a lo pom zo ruangah na hrangah a tha mi zianghman sianlo mi a nei lo ih a lo siatsuah theitu ding, sersiammi zianghman a umlo, ziang hmuahhmuah cu Amai thu hnuai ih um lawnglawng an si ti na theihnak ruangah hnangam ten Amah na Pathian, a lo rundamtu cu rian thlang aw. Na theihfiang lo mi hrangah Thlarau bawmnak dil aw la, na hrangih a tulmi hmuahhmuah a lo theihter in mal a lo sawm ding".

(Casiartu zate parah Pathian in thutak theihtheinak lo pe hram she. Calettu).

Lai Mino Hnen Thucah!

2007-08-21T10:23:00.000-05:00

Lai Mino pawl hnen thucah tawi!
Sept. 2006

Unau Pawl,

Ziangruangah Falam misa pawl hi national politics ah siseh Falam khawlipiceimawinak le thansohnak lamah kan tlaniam tuk? Timi thusutnak hin minoziangmawzat thinlung sungah hmun kauzet khua a luah asi ti ka hmuh tikah hmailamsaupi hrangah ruahsan ding a um asi ti ah ka ruat sawn.Falam misa pawl hi santhar san (Burma independence) hnu lamah Laimi (chin) mizate lak khalah hmaihruai tu le thinlung kau, zapi huap thei thinlung rak nei inkaihruai tu an rak si theu. Falam khawlipi khal mirang pawlin Chin mi zatekhawlipi si dingin khua an rak khang. Asinan, a tu ahcun kan khawlipi khal atumsuk duahdo ih a sung-um misa pawl khal leitlun hmuntin le ramtinah antekdarh aw theh ih milai pawl khal ruahnak phunphun, hnampeng hranhran, khua letlangah an then thek aw theh, thinlung hmu aw nawn loin a pingparang ah an thekdarh aw theh. Cucu ziangtin tuah thatsal theih asi ding?1988 hnu lamah Chin mi tlawngta pawl lak khalah mi rin-um le kaihruaitu lakahfalam misa tlawngta pawl an rak si. Asinan a tu ahcu ramleng a ummi Falam misapawl lakah rualrem ten pawlkom awknak, pehtlaih awknak, thuhmunkhat ten ram lemiphun thu ah thinlung hlawm awknak, hmalak tlangnak a um thei nawn lo.

Ramsungkhalah biaknak hruaitu pawl hman an rem aw nawn lo. Miphun thansohnak ding hrangfimthiamnak le calai lamah hmalak tlang ding cu sim lo, an casuah mi tiang hmansiar sak aw lo dingin ca an suah riangri, thu an than aw ciamco, anmai lam tang,an kawhhran pi pawl cun anmai casuah mi lawng siar hai sehla an duh ti thu tlangan au rero.Ramleng kan zoh asile Falam misa pawl a burin an um khawmnak hmun kip poh ahlungrual zetin tuan tlang ding a malzet. Biaknak lam khalah thenthek awknak inhmun kau tuk khua a luah. Pakhat le pakhat relsiat awknak hlir in an khat. Minole mino khal an rem aw lo. Upa le upa pawl khal an rem aw lo. Upa pawlin minopawl khal lam hmuh hna an thiam nawn lo. Mino pawlin upa pawl khal upat lethlawp awk thiamnak an tlasam vivo. Pakhat le pakhat dodal awknak tongkam sia,rel siat awknak le eltai awknak tongkam sia pawlin mi tampi thinlung khua a luahin a lang. Hruaitu rak tuan dah tu pawl khalin dunglam tlaksiatnak ruangah“keimah hnakin midang in hruaitu tuan hai sehla thiltha sawn a suak thei sawnpei maw” ti ruahnak a um nawn lo. Zo khal lamtang hawlin a bur tete’n lungrualpi an tuah aw vivo. A hrekkhat in mai “hrin” tete an hawl aw aw. A hrekhat inmai rualpi hlun tete an hawl aw aw. A hrekhat in kawhhran pawl kom lung rualpian hawl aw aw. A hrekkhat in nupi pasal sungkhat sinak le hrin le hram in an hawl aw aw ih a bur tete lamtang an tuah aw vivo. Cutikah a bur tete in mai hmakhua cio lam an sial ih mi bur tete inlungrualnak an nei. Cutikah senpi vangtlang hrangah ziang a tha, senpi vangtlanghrangah ziang vek le zovek milai in thiltha a tuah thei ding ih ziangvekhnatuantu hi kan mipi in an mamawh timi hnakin mai mibur lamtang tete lungawizawng le phurzawng lungrualpi vial thurual awknak an tuah vivo. Cutikah anmailamtang mibur lenglam milai zo poh khal a se thei bikin do le relsiat an tumtheu. Cu pawl cu ziang ruangah asi? Bible in a simmi “If there is no vision, thepeople perished” (Sunmang hmuh mi a um lo tikah mipi an tlasia) a timi vek khi a si in a lang.

Chin mi zapi kaihruai thei dingin, Chin miphun in a fehpi rero mi thuanthu tuah tha thei dingin, kawlram pumpi in a feh pi rero mi thuanthu tuah tha thei dingin, leitlun thuanthu in afehpi rero mi thuanthu tuah tha thei dingin kan milesa in kekar rak thlak vethei dingin ruahnak/hmuhnak (vision) a um nawn lo. Falam misa pawl mit cu mai mibur, sungkhat, hrinpi, le lungrualpi pawl lamtang tuah aw mi, mai lamtang diriam ter awknak fangin a khuh theh in a lang. Kanmah thawn a mil aw tawk fang hotu khal kan ngah dingih kanmah thawn a tlak aw fang thuanthu khal kan nei ding. Cucu zahpi rero khal a thahnem lo ih el theih khal asilo, kansinak in a tlin tawk thuanthu nitin kan belh rero asi.Cutikah ziangvek tongkam in mi tampi hnasung a hlehka rero ti asile; kum upadeuh pawlin anmah hnakin senpi vangtlang hrang thatnak tuah thei tu ding khaliksik nakin an khat, anmai tulefa le an lamtang misa ah an ruat lo mi pohpoh cua se thei bikin namthlak duhnak thinlung an nei, senpi vangtlang hrangahziangvek zo vek milai kan tungding in kan bawmbawi aw ding timi thinlung a hlosinsin, mino lakah burkhat le burkhat an rel se aw rero theih ding a tam, mifimti aw pawl khalin lamtang in an ruahmi lenglamah thatnak tuahtu an hmu thei nawnlo, khawhhran upa le zirhtu pawl khalin anmai kawhhran lenglam ah mifel le mithakhal an hmu thei nawn lo, upa pawl khalin tefa vangnau ziangtin kan tung dingthei ding timi ruahnak a hlo vivo, mino pawl khalin upa pawl parah upatnak a hlovivo, nunau le nupinu pawl hmur khalah anmai khawhran hruaitu pawl le vengsunghruaitu pawl relsiatnak siseh mi thangso ding mino pawl relsiatnak tongkam siain khua a luah theh.

Hi pawl hi nan hmuh tikah zo hman mangbang hlah uhsi. Ziangah tile Falam misa ti aw pawl lakah miphun le rampi hrang ruahsannak (national vision) a hlo theh zo. Upa pakhatkhatin amah hnakin mino deuh a rel siat tikah, asilole a pacangpi a rel siat zawk rero tikah, mino pakhat in amah hnakih upa deuh pawl ziangtin upatnak ka pekdingin an dung ka thlun ding tihnakin an rel siat zawk rero tikah, nupinu hmurzadeuh pawlin an kawhhran hruaitu a relsiat zawk rero tikah siseh mino thatha arelsiat zwk rero tikah zianghman mangbang ding a um lo. Anmai hrawk diriamnakding a um loin an theih tikah, anmai lamtang cawimawi an si lo tikah anmaimibur, sungkhat rualpi tha le tanzawng in cawimawi an hlawh lo tikah an hmurkacu a za tiatia dingih relsiatnak tongkam in an awm sung a turh ut-uo tikah suptheih rual asi lo ti theihsak a tha.Cuticun Falam khawlipi khal a rawp duahdo ih a sung um pawl khal tumsuk an pansinsin ding. Milian le mifim fim in an tlansan vivo dingih an suahkeh nakkhawlipi cu dunglet an hawih nawn lo ding. Falam khawlipi ah a rak um dah mi thilthakhal laksak vivo asi zo vekin a tang sun a um asile laksak vivo asilai ding.Falam mino pawl nan to men ding maw?Falam mino pawl, ziang lamzin nan zawh ding? Nan hmurka kha zianghrangah nanhmang ding? Nan fimthiamnak kha zianghrangah nan hmang ding? Nan cahnak khaziang hrangah nan hmang ding? Ziangtluk na cak timi hnakin na cahnak kha zo in ahlawkpi timi kha a thupi sawn lo maw? Ziangtluk na cak timi hnakin zo na nehtimi kha a thupi sawn lo maw? Ziangtluk na cak timi hnakin zo na hum thei timikha a thupi sawn lo awm? Ziangtluk na fim ti hnakin na fimnak ruangah zo a lunga awi timi kha a thupi sawn lo maw? Ziangtluk hlasak na thiam timi hnakin nahlasak thiam ruangah zovek thinlung di a riamter timi kha a thupi sawn lo maw?Tangka ziangzat na nei timi hnakin na sumpai neihmi ruangah mi rilrawng ziangzatan pum a puar ih mi ziangzat in hmasawnnak an nei timi kha a thupi sawn lo maw?Hotu tha kan nei lo tiah phun zai rero nawn hlah uh! Mirang thufim in “people get leader what they deserve” an timi kha falam misa pawl hrang khalah a dik kanti ko lo ding maw? Zir lai pawl zir sinsin uh, thiamnak theihnak sangsang neidingin. Sumpai hawl pawl zuam sinsin uh la nan lennak khan nan miphun hrangahthiltha suahpi thei dingin thinlung forh aw sinsin uh la. Nan kiangkap ah minozuri sabah in a um mi pawl kha bawm tumuh la ziangtin lamzin dik an zawh theiding tiah thei tawk suah in bawm aw tawn uh. A tu ih kan upa pawl cu kumtin tetarlam pan vivo an si. A tu ah mino lai pawlin hmai nan hruai vivo a tul laiding. A tu ihsin thinlungput tha lo, ruahnak thalo, senpi vangtlang thatnaksiatsuah tu duh-amnak, mai hmakhua sialnak, huat awknak, midang zawn ruah thiamlo nak pawl a hlo vivo lai dingih mi tamsawn thinlung ah mimal hlawknak hnakinsenpi vangtlang thatnak ngai pawimawh sawn can a suak lai ding. Cutikah nanthinlung duhthusam hruaitu thatha tla nan nei lai ding. Senpi vangtlang thinlungin Chin miphun zapi huap in le kawlram pum huap in siseh leitlun thuanthu tuahtha tu ding dinhmun tiang hruaitu mino thatha pom thei dingin nan thinlung sangka a ong aw ih lungrual ten kekar tlangthei ding dinhmun nan thlen tikah kan miphun Pathian in nan duhmi le nan tul mihruaitu thatha a lo pek lai ko ding ti khal zum ngam uhsi.
"Midang in ziangtin an lo rel, an lo tuahsia, an lo do, an lo eltai, an lo tisia timi hnakin nangmah in ziangtin na let/tuah timi sawn in na hmailam lamzin a tuahtha in a tuah sia ding asi" ti kha theih hngilh lo ten, zuam tento uh. Salai SunCeu in "Khua tla a vang cingding" ativekin lai mino nan hrang cantha suak cing hramseh tiah duhsaknak thawn,Pathian in lam lo hruai vivo hram seh!Lungawi,

Lai Mino pawl hnen thucah tawi-II (Peh)Ahmaisa ah tulai Laimi pawl thuanthu dinhmun ka tarlang mi pawl kha riahsiatding le mino pawl phurnak ti cau ding sawn si loin santhar mino liang parah kanthuanthu in a thummi langter duh sawnnnak ruangah asi. Kum zabi 21 sanah ram athangso cakin ziangkim a thleng aw cak sinsin. Culai ah thleng awknak kan nei velo asile Salai Sun Ceu in a simmi vek “San a thleng zo nan unau pawl, nan hrangzianghman a thleng lo” tivek ah kan cang ding. Ka cang maw? Asinan santhar minopawl dinhmun zoh asile sangka kaupi a ong aw asi ti cu zapi mithmuh asi,ziangtluk santhar mino pawlin hmai an nawrih ziangtluk thleng awknak thlen terdingin an zuam in an pe aw timi parah ziangtluk an san sungah an thleng theiding, ram le miphun an thangso ter thei ding timi a thum aw aw.Ram le miphun thansohnak ding hrangah kumpi uk awknak lawng hi a thupi bik lovekin ram mipi pawlin ziangvek dinhmun lai khalah miphun le ram cawisang dingintuan thei mi tampi an nei ringring. Tanta dingmi pawl lakah a hmaisa ah kan simzomi khuahlan lungput thalo (traditional social evils) pawl tlansan thei dinginmino pawl hrangah fimthiamnak, theihnak, le santhar bungrua thatha a um zo tikahzianghman harsatnak um lo ten hmasawn theih asi. Khuahlan lungput tha lo tantading pawl kan sim sal asile huat awknak, iksiknak, hrin le hnam thleidan awknak(misia mitha , lalhrin mise hrin thlei dan awknak), hrin le hnam el tai awknak,mibur fatete pawlsawm aw in midang do kalhnak, mibur pakhatkhat hrang ruatinsenpi vangtlang hmasawnnak dal tu khawruah le nuntu pawl, tvp tanta tahratinsanthar mino pawlin mai mimal hrang, mai sungkhat, kawhhran bul, pawlkom bul,rualpi burkhat hrang thatnak hnakin senpi vangtlang hrang thiltha sawn zoh inpek awknak neih thei a thupi fawn.Na miphun na khua na ram na duhdawt taktak maw?Zohman mai khau le ram le miphun dudhawt lo an um lo ding. Asinan voi tampi cumi tampi in an khua le an ram an duhdawtnak cu anmai hminthatnak le hlawknakruangah tla asi thei. Cuvek lungput thawn thiltha an tuah mi a um asi ahcun fakle lawm thotho ding asi. Asile mi pakhatin a khua le a ram a miphun a duhdawtnakcu ziangtin a langter thei ding?

Kan dunglam thuanthu rei lo te kan zoh salasile ram le miphun duhdawt ti aw tu mino thatha le hruaitu mi ziangmawzat cuningzahnak le mualphonak duh um lo zetzet dinhmun an rak thleng timi zapi theihasi. Ziangruangah? Midang tuahsiatnak mawhsiat ding hnakin kanmah falam misapawl tawntaih ruangah asi ti’n kei cun ka hmu. Cui tawitaihnak cu ziangvek asi?At ruangah le cathiam lo ruangah maw dam lo cah lo ruangah asi maw? Asilo! Milaithinlungput thalo, a thlunah kan sim zo mi vek pawl ruangah asi. A umzia cusanthar mino pawlin an ram le miphun an duhdawt taktak asile a tu hlan ih kanmiphun le kan mipi in an rak fehpi rero mi thinlung ruahnak lungput thalo pawl cu tanta thei hrimhrim a tul tinak asi.Thilthalo thleng ih thiltha tuah dingin tlangau tu le hma la tu an um asiahcun dodal tu, kham tu an um ding ti khal cu leitlun milai dan asi. Aung Sanvekin na fimih ram le miphun thuanthu tuah tha dingin thuanthu in na hmai ahtuanvo a lo thlen asile nikhat ni ni ah Aung San vekin thah na tuar thei asi tia fiang. A lo that tu pawl cu nangmah thawn a nai aw bik tu tla an si thei.Asinan cuvek thiltha tuahnak ding hrangah thih cu thih manhla asi. Thiltha tuahding ah le thudik aupi ruangah mi in an lo hua asile cucu thil man zet asi.Patian zumtu nasi ahcun na hmaiah dodal tu vekin na hmuhmi pawl kha na lamsialtusawn an si ti kha thei ringring aw. Milai porh awknak le milai lamzin zawh sualpang lo ding le thiltha sawn hmu thei dingin na hrangah hmanrua men an si sawn.A thupi sawn mi cu nangmah in ziang na tuah, na tong, na ruat ih na fehpi ti miasi sawn.A tufang kan mipi thinlungput vek thawn kan ram hin zalen zetin uk awknak ngahsehla kan ram cu ziang a bang ding ti ah nan ruat cio? Ei-ruknak, thuphanpernak, hrawhhrawlnak, huat awknak, dik loin sum hai lutnak, le iksik awknaklakah thudik, dingnak le diknak in hmun a nei thei ding tiah kan ruat maw? Asile kan ramle mipi hin ram uk awknak tha tuk an phu tuk na’n kan miphun Pathian in cucu acang ter thei lo tiah kan ruat ding maw? Ramthatnak dingah ram mipi thinlungtimtuah cia asi zo maw?Asile ziangtin kan ram mipi thinlung kan tuah tha thei ding? Milai pehtlaihawknak thlakthleng nak (social reformation) um loin kan ram mipi thinlung a siatzo mi awlsam ten tuah that theih asilo ding. Biaknak lam hruaitu, sumdawnnaklam, vengsung pawlkom awknak, zirnak lam le kiltin ihsin milai pehtlaih awknakthlakthleng thei dingin zo in tuanvo a nei? Santhar mino pawl an si lo maw?Biaknak lam zirhtu pawl khalin a piangthar cia zo mi pawl hnenah rundamnak thulawnglawng si nawn loin milai pehtlaih awknak thuthangtha (Social Gospel) tla ansim in an ausuahpi le nunpi a tul. Kum upa pawl thinlung cu awlten thleng theihasi nawn lo. Thu pakhat an ruahmi lenglamah a dang thiltha maw a thasawn a umthei ding maw tiah cuai thlai tawn theinak an nei nawn lo. An san a cem zikcuahco vekin an ruahnak khal a tumsuk lam asi. Santhar mino pawlin kan upa pawlparah upatnak pek a tul rualrualin an hnen ihsin thusia le thinlungput tha lopawl hmuahhmuah cu tanta hrimhrim a cu zo.Na miphun na duhdawt taktak asi ahcun veng sung rem awk lonak, dodalnak,harsatnak, farahnak, buainak pawlin a lo kham thei lo ding. Na miphun in an lododal, na riah an lo tisia, an lo hua, an lo iksik khal asile laimi cu Pathianzumtu kan si vekin Moses le Paul ih tongkam hi thei ringring dingah ka lo cahduh hai. Moses cu a miphun pawlin an hnawng, an duh lo, an eldai, a thu anlunglo ih milem an biaksan, an dodal laiah Pathian hnenah ziangtin thla a cam, “---an sual ngaidam aw, cutin asi thei lo asile, nunnak cabu sungah ka hmin nganmi khal hlawn sawn aw” (Exo. 32:32) ti ah ati si lo maw? Paul kha a miphunpawlin an vuak, an velh, an thawi ih hnar pawnah a thi tiah an hlawn, an tlansan. Cui hnukhalah Paul in ziangtin Pathian hnenah thla a cam, “Ka sungmuril thinlung sungahcatbang loin riahsia le thinna in ka um asi. Ka miphunpi, ka unau pawl ai ahkeimah sawn hi anse dawng in Khrih hnen ihsin lakhloh si sawn thei sehla ka vaduh ve” (Rom. 9: 2-3) ati asi lomaw? Asi, himi Bible bungcangin a simmi pawl hi an miphunpi pawl hrangah thlarau lam duhsaknak asi, duhdawtnak ruangah.

Lai mino pawl, nan miphun, nan khua nan ram nan duhdawttaktak asi ahcun ziangvek thu hman dal tu le kham thei tu a um lo ding,Zianghman puhmawh ding a um lo. Tuah thei mi ka nei lo ti a um lo. Dodal tu antam tuk ti a um lo. Na kiangah nitin na hmakhua ah a ummi na miphun hrangahthiltha na tuah thei mi kha na tuah asi ahcun midang khalin cutin an rak tuah veasi ahcun kan miphun Pathian in duhnak thinlungtha thawn nan zuamnak pawl cu alo co hlan sak sawn ding asi.Theih ding pakhat simbet ka duh mi cu mino pakhatkhatin ka miphun ka duhdawtti na cingin a mah le amah a duhdawt awk lo asile amai tongfang ih san a thei loasi. Mah le mah zuu le saa thawn siseh nunau tha lo thawn siseh a siatsuah aw tucun ziangtihman in a miphun a duhdawt thei lo asi. A pahnihnakah, mipakhatkhatin ka miphun ka duhdawt asi ti nacingin a neihmi sumsaw siseh atheihmi thutha siseh a miphunpi pawlin an hlawkpi dingmi a thup men asi ahcun asimmi tonggfang ih san a thei lo, asilole tongkam mawi a hmang menmen asi. Namiphun na duhdawt asi ahcun thutha hlawknak na theih mi pawl kha a hlawkpi tuding pawl hnenah sim aw. Na sumpai neihmi na peksuak nakin na miphun zapi in anhlawkpi ciamco lo asi hmanah na thinlung in na ram le miphun na duhdawt taktakasi ahcun na thinlung diriamnak ziangtal thiltha na miphun hrang na tuah loasile na sunglam ih duhdawtnak na neih mi cu a nung lo, a thi tinak asi. Apathumnakah, mino pakhatkhat in ka miphun ka duhdawt asi tinacingin daitlang le zee in a um asi ahcun a simmi tongang ih san a thei lo asithei. Ram le miphun duhdawtnak in a khattu hrang ahcun tuah ding a tam tuk,milai damsungah tuah ding cemti a um lo, tuan rero khal sehla a cem thei loding. Tuan ding ka nei lo ti tu an um maw? A hmai ih lai Bible kha la aw sehlazoh lo in siar theh thei dingin zuam seh. A kiangkap ah bawm tul mi bawm seh.Miphun tuah tha dingin taimaknak um loin a cang thei lo, daithlang lehrawhhrawlnak in miphun a siatsuah sawn asi.Kan peng kan ram sungah miphun tete kan tam tuk ruangah rem awk lonak lethleidan awknak, duhsak awknak a tam na ti asile, midang duhdan na zawm thei lomi pawl hnenah tel tenteng a tul lo. Miphun hnam pakhatkhat kaihhruainak busungah um nuam lo na ti asile um nuamnak lamzin pakhathat talin na miphun hrangtuansuak nak hawl aw. Sumpai na neih lo hmanah na thazang in maw na theih mithutha ausuahpi nak in maw tuah thei mi na nei thotho asi. Pakhat le pakhat remawk thluh cu thilcang thei lo thluk asi. Asinan thiltha tuah tlang dingah mizapi rualpi tha si theh a tul lo, zapi te sungkhat naivai si theh a tul lo, kantuah duh mi kan ram le miphun hrang thatnak tuah duhtu pawl a hlawm in tuantlang thei dingin zuamnak suah sawn uhsi.Kan tong, kan miphun sinak, kan nunphung kenkawh ding le santhar leitlun tlanzuam awknakah kan santhar mino pawl dungdawlh lo ten zuam sinsin cio uhsi. Kanduh lo zawng thil tampi nitin kan hmakhua ah a cang mi a um khal asile cu pawlcu hmailamah thiltha sawn kan hmuhsuak theinak ding ah le Pathian duhmi ziangasi ti kan theih fiang theinak ding sawnah lamhmuh tu hmanrua men asi ti theihringringin ziangvek dinhmun le tikcu can khalah ke karkhat hman dungsip lo te’nzuam sinsin uhsi.Ramsung politics, thuneihnak cuh awknak vekin lamtang tuah aw in dodal awk cana cu hrih lo. Laimi cu milai malte lawng kan si ih tuah ding tampi kan nei.Leitlun miphun dunglamah tlancak pi in kan tlan hmanah tuihnu san ziangmawhmanah kan miphun zapi in san kan man hrih lo ding. Thiltha tuah dingin hruaitusi tengteng khal a tul lo, zapi in hruaitu si khal a theih lo. Asinan santharmino pawlin santhar mino lakah lamtang bul nei loin, huat bul le duhbul nei loinmimal pakhat cio in an ti thei zawng le Pathian vozem an co mi vekin ram lemiphun hrangah siseh vengsung thansohnak ding hrangah siseh hman tangkai thiam athupi sawn. Kan thiam mi a mal tuk lai ih kan neih mi sumsaw ti tlak asi hrihlo. Kan zate neih mi le theih mi kawm hman in kan ram le miphun hi a tu lohli ahtuahthat theih ding rual asi nawn lo. Santhar mino pawl thiltha tuah nak ahlungrualten hmalak tlang thei a thupi. Khua hlan san lal bangin santhar sanahhruaitu cu thambanlo (untoucheble) dinhmun ah in ret awknak pawl tlansan in santhar mino pawl ruahnakthar le thinlungthar thawn ziangtin kan ram le miphun in rual kan ban ve dingih leitlun tlanzuam awknakah kan miphun hi kan cawisang ve thei ding tiah neihmi theih mi le thiammi burkhawm in hma lak a cu tuk zo.Milai thuanthu hi mimal pakhat maw mibur pakhatkhatin duhvekin remthat letuahthat theih lo can tampi a um. Sikhal sehla tuisanah santhar mino pawl hmaiahthusutnak a ummi cu “na tuah thei mi na tuah maw?” ti asi. Santhar mino, na tuahthei mi kha fel le famkim thei bikin zuam aw la na hmailam cu na miphun Pathiankutah a um sawn asi ti kha theihhngilh hram hlah ci.Lungawi ! -----

-"Huatnak cu mi tawntai le tihhrut pawl hmanrua asi ih duhdawtnak le ngaidamnakcu mi pitling pawl lungput asi"

“Mi pakhat cu midang tuahnak in a siatsuah lo ih amai tuahmi sawn in a tuahtha in a tuahsiat theu sawn asi.” ==================================

Thlipi le Tisuar A Tho: Zisu Kaitho Aw!

2007-08-20T16:28:00.000-05:00

Mt. 8.23-27(Mar 4.35-41; Luk 8.22-25)

(Chin Christian Church, Indianapolis, IN, USA, Sunday service ah thusimmi asi).
"Jesuh cu a dungthluntu pawl in an thlun ih long sungah an lut. Rinlopi-ah thlipi a huk ih long cu a pil zik. Asinain Jesuh cu a itthat. Dungthluntu pawlin an va tthangih, “Bawipa, in run aw! Kan thizik thlang a si,” tiah an ti. Cutikah Jesuh cun, “Ziangah so cuticun nan ttih? Nan zumnak a va mal so!” tiah a ti. Cule a tho ih thli le tilet cu dai dingin thu a pek; hmakhatte ah tili cu daitein a um sal. Mi hmuahhmuah an mang a bang ih, “Hi pa hi ziang bangtuk minung so a si? Thlipi le tilet hman in a thu an ngai!” tiah an ti."Thuhmaihruai:
Ziangruangah zumtu pawlin harsatnak kan tawng? Harsatnak kan tawn tikah kan zumnak cu khui ah saw asi? Kan zummi Zesu Khrih cu ziangvek Pathian (milai) saw asi? Kan Pathian kan thei taktak maw (Do we realy know our God)? Kan nitin nunah kan kiangah Zesu a itthat lai maw? Kai tho thlang aw!
Harsatnak:Ziangruangah zumtu pawlin harsatnak kan tong?- Harsatnak cu zumtu siatsuahtu ding a si lo- Harsatnak cu Pathian thawn in nai ter tu, Pathian loin kan nung thei lo asi ti intheihter tu sawn asi- Harsatnak cu milai sunglam nun thianhlim ternak, milai porh awknak sunglam nun bal pawl kangraltu meisa vek asi- Harsatnak cu kan biakmi Pathian cu ziangvek asi ti kan theih sinsinnak hrang hmanrua asiZumtu pawlin harsatnak ziangvekin kan hmaiton?-Harsatnak (tisung) ah kan pil hlo maw?-Harsatnak cu thei lo bangin kan um maw, kan itthat maw?-Harsantak ruangah midang kan mawhsiat maw?Zumtu pawlin harsatnak kan ton ding ziangruangah Pathian in a siangZumnak:Kan zumnak cu khui ah saw asi?Kan zummi Pathian cu ziang hrangah kan zum, vanram kainak ding lawng ah maw?Kan zummi Pathian cu khui ah a um?Zesu:Ziangvek Pathian (milai saw asi)? Pathian kan thei taktak maw?Kan biak mi Pathian cun ziangvek thilthitheihnak a nei ih ziangvek thiltitheinak tiang hmang thei dingin kan hnenah a um
Harsatnak ziangtin kan hmaiton?
Khristian pawlin ziangruangah harsatnak kan tong timi ruat khawm hlanah Bawi Zesu le a dunthlungtu pawl thuanthu malte’n zoh hnik uhsi. A dungthluntu pawlin Bawi Zesu ih thusim mi tampi an ngai zo, mina a tidam mi, thlarau sual a dawi suak mi, thilmak a phunphun a tuah mi pawl an hmu rero zo ih an in le lo, sungkhat tan ta in Khrih dung cu an thlun rero. Zesu in mipi hnenah thu asim theh hnu ah “khatlam ralah va feh uhsi” a tivekin lawng thawn khatlam ralah feh dingin an feh. Thlipi a hrangih tisuar a tho ciamco, a kaithlun pawl cu an mangbang in “kan pil thluh thlang ding” tiah an au ciamco.Bawi Zesu in ziangruangah thlipi le tisuar huk dumdo lakah a kaithlun pawl kha thlaphang le lungphang hiamhiam dingin a itthah san? A dungtluntu pawlin ziangtin harsatnak cu an hmaiton? Lawng sungih tohkham sau parah Zesu a itthat lai le a dungthlun tu pawl lungphang zuangzam rero pawl cu mithlam ah langter in thu ruat khawm hnik uhsi.Ahmaisa ah kan zir thei mi pakhat cu harsatnak hi kanmah siatsuahtu si loin Pathian thawn in naiter sinsin tu, Pathian huham cahnak, a lainatnak le duhdawtnak in theifiang sinsin ter tu le kan zumnak hnget khoh ter tu sawn an si. Kan biak mi kan Pathian hnen ihsin malsawmnak, rundamnak, thlarau le tisa laksawng a phunphun kan dawng rero zo ih a malsawmnak kan cen rero hnu khalah kan Pathian sinak hi kan thei famkim thluh thei dah lo ih kan theih hrih lo mi, a huham cahnak le ropitnak hi a um ringring. Cutin a mah thawn kan nai awk sinsin theinak ding, kan biakmi Pathian cu kan theih sinsin thei nak ding sawnah harsatnak cu kan hmakhua ah a thleng theu sawn asi.Harsatnak kan tawn tikah zumtu pawlin ziangtin kan hmaiton theu? Himi casiar tu kan zate’n Zesu le a dungthlun tu pawl lakah lawng parah rak to ve sehla thlipi le tisuar a tho dupdo, a huk dupdo tikah mi hrekhat cu tipi sungah a dawp kan um men ding a zum um.Voi tampi cu buainak le harsatnak kan tonmi cu ziangtin thatnak lam hrangah kan her tum ding, harsatnak lak ihsin Pathian in ziang in zirh duh timi hnakin harsatnak sungah kanmah lala kan pil hlo theu, tisungah kan dawp pang theu. A dungthlun tu pawl cun buainak an ton tikah Bawi Zesu hnenah, “Bawipa, kan thih thluh pawi na ti lo mawsi?” an ti. Voi tampi cu harsatnak le buainak kan ton tikah kanmah lamah ziangvek tlaksamnak kan nei timi zoh loin “zoha ka mawhsiat ding?” timi kan zoh hmaisa theu. Cun, himi casiar tu pawl hi Bawi Zesu le a dungthlun pawl lakah lawng rak to ve sehla mi hrekhat cu kanmah riangri tohkham sau parah a itthat rero kan rak um men thei. Kawhhran tampi ah thlarau mit in nan zoh asile pastor, kawhhran upa, tuu khal pawl a itthat ih hngawk rero nan hmu theu men thei. Zumtu, kawhhran member pawl an thlaphang in an thlarau a vavai rero, tihal in an au rero khal theithei lo, an buai an aukio laiah a itthat rero mi pastor, mai tisa hlawknak lawng ruat in thlarau mitcaw pastor tampi nan hmu men thei. Cuvek thotho in mai harsatnak le buainak hman thei lo, thih ngeingeinak nathrik in taksa sunglam a ei re rawp rero lai ah, dam vek in thei aw si sunglam thlarau nun cu khensar nathrik (pulh nathrik) pawlin a ei ngawr theh mi zumtu tampi kan um (thei). Sualnak tisuar in in khuh dupdo, tisung ah kan pil cuarco, (thlarau in) kan thaw kan thaw thei nawn lo, kan mit a nga riairiai lai khalah harsatnak kan tong, kan buai asi ti thei aw lo, Bawi Zesu kawh hna thiam lo, zumtu ti aw tampi kan um theu. Vawi tampi that duh ruangah harsatnak thup hmang tla kan um. Tisuar a huk dupdo rero nan, pa raltha, zumtu tha si duh ruangah sunglam nun khur rero, thlaphang rero cingin buainak nei lo vekin Zesu kawh hna thiam lo tampi kan um thei. That duh tuk le midam si duh tukah khensar natnak a nei rero nan a thup men tu cu a mai thihnak lamzin a sial rero asi ti a theih awk a tha. Tisuar in a nunnak lawngpi cu a fen dutdo, thlipi le tisuar in a khuh duahdo laiah, zumnak hnget khoh nei si lo, Zesu Khrih kawh hna thiam lo cu mahlemah thisung ah phim aw rero tu asi fawn.Harsatnak cu ziangruangah kan parah thleng dingin Pathian in a siang? Ziang hmuahhmuah cu Khrih kutsungah pek asi zo ih a duhduh in kan harsatnak pawl cu in ti lak kiang sak in a cem ter in a dai ter thei ringring. Kanmah siatnak si loin amah Pathian kan theih sinsin theinak ding hrangah hmanrua tha an si sawn ruangah kan ruahban lo, milai in kan tuah thei lo, kan tlin lo, kan tuar thei lo mi harsatnak khal kan parah a thlen theunak sawn asi. Cuvek can lai khalah, Bawi Zesu cu na kut in na tham banah na kiangah nangmah kanmah bawm dingin, kan harsatnak tisuar pi tukdai dingin a um ringring, in hngak ringring asi. .Khui ah si kan zumnak?Khrih dungthlun tu pawl hin Israel thuanthu an thei, Pathian in van ih ni a din/cawlh ter lai, sersiammi parah thuneihnak a nei asi ti a langternak ah Joshua in ral a do lai ah ni a cawlh ter mi thuanthu pawl kha a dungthluntu pawlin an thei ko ding. Bawi Zesu in thilmak tampi a tuah mi khal an hmu zo. Asinan, tisuar le thlipi cu Bawi Zesu in a tukdai thei ding maw, Bawi Zesu khrih hmin in anmah in teh thli le tisuar parah thuneihnak an nei ding maw ti khal an thei lo a bang. Bawi Zesu in ‘Khui ah saw nan zumnak?” tiah a kawk hai. Kan zummi Pathian hi kan zum taktak maw? Kan thei taktak maw? Milem bia pawl pathian biak vek fangin kan zum in kan be rero pang maw? Kan zumnak hin nitin ih kan ton mi nunramah a takin hmual a nei maw? Bawi Zesu cu kan nitin nunah kan Bawi le lal taktak asi maw? Ziangvek tluk fangin Pathian kan zum? Kan zummi kan Pathian thawn kan pehtlaih awknak hi ziangvek fang asi? Mi tampi cun Pathian kan zum kan timi hi vanram kainak lawngah kan zum ih kan nitin nun ahcun hmun kan neither ve dah lo ruangah kan nun cu Pathian thu thawn a hla aw zet theu asi lo maw? Milen bia pawl vekin Pathian cu biak inn sungah kan tan ta theu ih hmun dangdang ahcun kan duhduh in sualnak khal kan tuah, misiatnak khal kan tuah, kanmai tisa diriam zawng in kan nung, cutikah harsatnak kan ton tikah vava kan tum theu. Cuhnakin a pawi sinsin mi cu mangbang vansan can hmanah Zesu kawh hna thiam lo kan um lai hrih.Kan nitin nunah harsatnak kan ton can ah siseh kan lungawi can ah siseh Pathian thawn ziangtluk nai/hla ah kan feh ti hi zoh aw sal uhsi. Lawng parah Bawi Zesu, thlipi le tisuar parah thu neitu, um cingin a dungthluntu pawl thinlung sung ahcun Zesu cu thlanghra dan um vek a rak si? Nau te pakhat cu sahmuan (zoo) ah na hruai tikah ramsa pawl cun an keu thei lo, ramsa hmuan kiltu pawlin ramsa pawl cun milai keu ban lo dingin an ret/tuah nan, naute cun a hmuh tikah a tih thotho vek khi kan si theu. Kan zummi Pathian thawn ziang tluk kan nai aw aw ih kan zummi Pahtian cu ziangvek thiltitheinak nei ah kan ruat? Biak in sungah nitin thlang leng rero na cingin Bawi Zesu thawn hlapi ah nitin kekar rero a theih asi. Nitin Bible cabu kengin Pathian thu sim rero, Pathian thu simmi ngai rero, thlacam ringring na cingin Pathian Thlarau thawn hla pi ah kan rak vakvai reo thei thotho asi. Kan Pathian khui ah saw asi?Bible sung thuthimnak pakhat in la hnik uhsi: Thuthlugnhlun sungah, Vancung mi cu Gideon hnenah lang aw tahratin “Pa raltha, Pathian na hnenah a um asi” a ti tikah Gideon in ziang ati? “Pathian kan hnenah a um asile ziangruangah kan Israel miphun parah hivek a thleng?” Cuvek cu harsatnak kan ton tikah kan thinlung sungah a thleng theu mi asilomaw? Pathian in in tlansan, Pathian cu vanramah a um ruangah kan harsatnak in theihpi lo, kan kawh khal le in thei ban lo, asilole kan sual tuk ruangah kan thlacam in sang duh lo, asilole a dungthlun tu pawl vekin kan Pathian cu a itthat ah kan ruat theu asilomaw? Kan duhmi kan ngah lo tikah, kan ruah lopi’n thil a thleng tikah, kan ruahsan mi vek in thil a cang lo tikah, kan duhmi kan hloh tikah, Pathian cu kan hnenah a um nawn lo, in tlansan vekin kan thei theu asi lo maw?Kan Pathian cu khuiah a um, tiah kanmah le kanmah kan sut awk hlanah “ka zumnak cu khui ah saw asi?” tiah mah le mah sut aw sawn ding kan si. Kan biak mi kan Pathian, Zesu Khrih ih Thlarau, Thlarau Thianghlim cu Biak in tumpi sungah a cam ringring mi asilo. Bible in ziang in sim? Pathian Thlarau Thianghlim cu amah zumtu pawl hmuahhmuah thinlung sungah a ceng, a cam, a um ringring asi. Cui Thlarau Thianghlim cu Pathian thiltitheinak huham cahnak thawn a khat mi asi. Na harsatnak thlipi le tisuar tukdai dingin na kai tho ve ding maw? Ziang hmuahhmuah parah thuneihnak, huham cahnak nei tu Pathian cu na Pa, na Pathian, na rualpi tha bik asi zo ih Thlarau in na sungah a um ringring. Curuangah, na zum ngam zatin a ropitnak le huham canak na hmu ding, na zum ngam zatin malsawmnak khal na co ding.Ziangvek milai saw asi?A dungthluntu pawl cun nitin te Khrih dung an rak thlun rero nan, Bawi Zesu in tisuar le thlipi parah thu a pek ih “cawl uh” tiah a cawlhter tikah a dungthluntu pawl cun “Ziangvek milai fapa saw asi?” tiah mangbang le phaw keke in anmah le anmah an sut aw zawk rero.Rev. Peter Lialian in a simmi tatthimmi thutawi kan vun sang ta ding: voi khat cu, kawlphai ah Saya Ahung te pawl thawn crusade an tuah zik. Cutikah, khawsung kawhhran upa pawlin mikhual an va hmuah. Culai ah Saya Ahung te pawl an rak tleng. Kawhhran upa pakhat pa cun, mikhual pawl hnenah “Saya Ahung te pawl an rak ra dingih kan nuam zet ding, amah cu thusim thiam ngaingai asi” ti ah a sim rero. A simmi pa cu Saya Ahung asi ti a rak thei lo. Cutikah Saya Ahung cun “Saya Ahung cu na thei mawsi?” ti ah asut. Cutikah a nih in, “Ka thei tuk e, a thusim tla ka ngai ringring, thusim tla a thiam zet si?” tiah a ti. Cuvek cu mi tapi kan si theu. Bawi Zesu thu hla kan thei ringring, a thu kan ngai ringring, a thu cu amah Bawi Zesu lala hnak hmanin kan sim thiam sawn tla asi thei. Asinan, amah Bawi Zesu taktak cu kan thei lo theu. Curuangah nineta bikah Bawi Zesu in “Rawl ei ding ka neih lo can ah rawl in pe dah lo” tiah mi tampi hnenah a ti lai ding. Kan zummi Bawi Zesu cu kan Biak inn sung tohkham neta bik ah tla a rak to ringring theu thla asi thei. Kan nitin hnatuannak hmunah kan kiangah a tuan rero tla asi thei. Kan zummi kan Pathian hi kan thei taktak maw?Kan zummi Pathian hi ziangtin kan thei? Vanram kainak ticket in leisak tu lawngah kan ruat theu asi lo maw? Kan nitin nunah kan thinlung sungah hmun kan pe mal tuk theu asi lo maw? Kan nitin nunah, biaknak siseh mimal le senpi khawtlang hrang thuhluknak kan tuah tikah Bawi Zesu in hmun a nei mal tuk theu asi lo maw? Nupi pasal kan hawl awknak ah, rualpi kan kawm awknakah, ramdang kan fehnak ah, hna kan tuannakah, midang thu kan relnakah, kan harsatnak kan hmaiton tikah, Bawi Zesu in hmun luah mal tuk theu asi lo maw? Cutin si sawn loin, zumtu pawlin kan biak mi kan Pathian cu kan lal, kan rualpi tha, kan sungkhat nai bik, kann rinsan bikmi dinhmunah dinter ringring ding kansi. Nupi pasal karah ah siseh nu/pa le fa le karlak khalah Zesu Khrih cun hmun kaubik, tha bik kan luah ter lo tikah buainak kan tong ringring theu asi lo maw? Kan lungawi ah, kan ruahsiat ah, Zesu cu a hmaisa bikah kan ko lo theu asi lo maw? Anih cu mi zohman in in theihpi thei lo mi, nupi pasal sungkhat unau, nulepa hnenah kan sim ngam lo mi, kan sim khal in in theihthiam sak thei lo mi, kan nun thuthuk pawl khal in theihsak, kan sim hlan ihsin in theihsak ringring ih ziangtikah a hnenah bawmnbak kan dil ding, ziangtikah amah cu kan nai bikmi dinhmunah kan ret in amah kan pan ding timi hngak in kan kiangah a um ringring sawn asi. Kan sungah Thlarau in in cencilh ringring sawn asi.Kan nunah ziangvek hmun kan luahter, kan pek timi zirin a thiltitheinak le huham cahnak khal kan hmu ding. Cun, Zesu Khrih cu ziangvek in kan zum? Zovek asi ti in kan thei? Zianghmuahhmuah parah thuneihnak nei tu asi ti ah kan thei nan kan nitin nunah cui thuneihnak cun lai in rel sak dingin hmun kan pe lo theu asi. Kan taksa thinlung thlarau damnak hrangah, kan hnatuannak, in le lo, thil le ri, midang kan pehtlaih mi hmuahhmuah par khalah kan lal le thuneitu ah kan ret asi ahcun cu pawl hmuahhmuah cu amai hmin sunlawinak hrangah amah sawn in a kil him theu sawn asi.Netnak: Kan nitin nunahZumtu pawlin Pathian thukam (promise) kalhzawngin kan tonmi pawl hi Pathian kan theih sinsinnak ding hrangah asi sawn.-Siangpahrang tuan dingin hriak thih asi tikah, David in ziangvek a tong? Israel siangpahrang tuan rero lai, Saul in thah a tum;-A unau lakah lal le miuk tuan dingin mang a man ve ten Joseph in ziang a ton? A unau pawlin thah an tum, salah an zuar, Pontifar nupi in sual a puh, thawngah an tlak;-Zesu Khrih in a dungthlun dingin a kawh hnu ah Paul in ziangvek a tuar? Amai miphun pawlin vawi duailo an thawi, an fel, a thi sihmang tiah hnawr pawn ah an hlawn, a taksa sungah natnak a tuarih ttap ruangro in Pathian a ko “a naa tuk, ka taksa sungah feipi ih sun vekin a naa” a ti, Rome cozah in thawng an thlak, a rualpi pawlin an tlansan theh;-A miphun pawl khal sal sung ihsin hruaisuak dingin hril asi tikah Moses in ziang a tuar? Naute asi lai ihsin thah ding in hawl a si, a miphun pawlin an hawng, siangpahrang inn ihsin tlan in hram lakah kum 40 sung tuu khal a tuan;Hi pawl hmuahhmuah hin tuisun ah kan hnenah ziangthu tal in theihter duh mi a um asi ahcun hihi a tel ti a fiang, zumtu, Khrih dungthluntu pawl nunah Pathian in inkam cia mi, kan zumnak ti siatsuah dingin nasa ten dodal tu, thlarau sual in in do ringring asi. Lennak thlawsuah dawngin in tiamkam cia mi, zumnak nei kan si ahcun tlaksamnak anhai nak in tikcu ziangmawzat kan hmakhua cu khua a luah san men thei; miphun, kawhhran, pawlkom mipi hruaitu dingin vozem le Pathian hriak thih mi kan si ahcun a linglet in midang huat bikmi tla kan si can a um thei; Pathian mi hman zet, leitlun ah mi tampi parah van thlawsuah a luansuak nak ding, Pathian hriak thih kan si ahcun tluksiatnak le dodal nak a phunphun kan ton hmaisak a tul tla asi thei. Cuticun, Pathian hnen ihsin kan ngah dingmi, Pathiann kan riannak ding tiah kan ruah mi, thlawsuah malsawm kan dawng mi tiah kan ruah mi dinhmun thleng thei dingin a hlatbiknak hmun ah kan din can tla a um thei. Cu hmuahhmuah cu Pathian in in tiamkam cia mi siatsuahtu an si lo, Pathian hnen ihsin kan ngah mi thlawsuah malsawm, kan mah hmangin Pathian in mi tampi thlawsuah a pek mi pawl hi amah Pathiang zangfah lainatnak, Khrih ih duhdawtnak le kan sung ah in cencilh tu Thlarau Thianghlim thiltitheinak huham cahnak liolio in tuahsuak an si ti in theihter tu, kan thinlung sungah milai porh awknak pawl meisa vekin kang alh ih thianfai tu sawn an si.Zumtu unau, tuisun, tuican ah, taksa natnak, thinlung retheihnak, thinhengnak, zumnak tlaksamnak, tluksiatnak, famkim lo nak, mi huat nak, dodal nak, heknak, relsiatnak, thangsiatnak, na thinlung in a tumtah le a duhmi pawl thawn kalh aw mi pawl na nitin nunah a thleng rero asi ahcun zianghman na mang bang hlah she. Zan na it tikah tisuar hrum dupdo, thlipi hup dupdo tluk in na hna sungah it that thei lo ding khawp in a lo hnaihnawk tu thil a um maw? Na lamzin fehnak cu a cim bal theh zik, na damsung lawngpi cu a siat zik cuahco, tisungah a pil zik cuahco vekin na thei maw, a hua tu na siatnak a tuah duh tu pawl cu an tam sawn ih an cak zet, an tong thei zet, thil an ti thei zet vekin na hmu hai maw? Dik lo zetin mawsiat le zuarthlai na tong maw? Na covo le canpual ti ah na ruahmi pawl cu midang in an lo siatsuahsak, laksak vekin na thei maw? Na hmailam hrang na tumtah mi lamzin cu thim hin a khuh vekin na hmuh can a um maw?
Bible sung tahtthimnak pawl zoh hnik uhsi; Bible sungah zumtu pacangtha pawlin Pathian thukam an nunah a famkim hlanah mangbang anhaiza harsatnak an tong hmaisa theu.- Abraham- Van arsi zat tesinfa nei dingin thukam asi lai ah a fapa neihsun cu raithawinak ah pek fial asi, a theih lo ramah a feh suak a tul.- Joseph-Lal (Mi Uk) tuan dingin mang a man laiah sal tannak, sualnak nei lo rori thawng thlaknak, mai unau pawl ih huatnak, thuphan puhnak pawl a tuar hmaisa- David-Siangpahrang tuan dingin hriakthih asi laiah Saul siangprang in a hua ih le thah ding tiangin hual a tuar- Paul: Zumnak dik, vanram laksawng a hmuhsuak ih Khrih ah thukamthar a cove ten a miphunpi pawl huatnak, vuak le velh, taksa natnak, thinlung sual awknak, thawng tlaknak tiang a tuar- Khrih Zesu-leitlun milai runsuak dingin-a nauta bik Khross parah thahnak a tuar hmaisa
Ziang na tong ve?-Taksa damlonak, thinlung retheihnak, huatnak, tlaksamnak, milai thinlung duh lo zawng, Pathian thukam kalh zawngin a thleng rero mi, na tawn mi a um maw?Cuhmuahhmuah cu leitlunah zumtu pawlin an rak feh zomi lamzin a si.
Khrih Zesu cu na kiangah a itthat lai maw, kai tho thlang aw!Na kiangah Zesu a it that maw? Kai tho thlang aw! Zianghmuahhmuah parah thuneitu, Pathian Fapa Zesu Khrih cu na sungah Thlarau Thianghlim hnatuannak in zianghmuahhmuah parah thuneihnak huham cahnak thawn a lo um pi ringring asi.

The Comeback of Tribal Politiics

2007-08-20T14:56:00.000-05:00

The Come back of Tribal Politics; Chin

June 2006

What what what! Chin Politics! A man surprisingly asked his fellow netters, when talking the Chin politics. Some might have been wondering what are the major determinant factors among the Chin activists, money, women, power, opportunity, ideological, communalism or tribalism? I, after having experienced inside the party politics as well as having been observed from distance, would say “the return of tribalism” or “tribal politics.” There is no significant “majority vs. minority” problem among Chins, although it may exist in a rare case. But based on the ethnic settings of the Chin tribal groups, consist of multi-tribes and sub units of tribes, the political competition among tribal groups to get hold of the major decision making process appeared to be the most powerful driving factors behind the fragmentation of the political force that delays or hinders the building of one and united Chin national political force against the Burmese tyrant. In many societies around the world, there usually is majority vs. minority problems. Being a minority in the whole Burma society, within itself, the Chin society contains multiples sub-ethnic groups, and tribal groups. Among them, none is majority and none is exceedingly fit to get hold of the major decision making process at hands.

Demographically, each tribal group occupies their own specific regions and each political administrative district is composed of different tribal group, except Tidim-Tawnzang where the same (or very close) tribal groups occupies the region, and in Hakha and Thlantlang the similar or same tribes occupies the tribal territory. Therefore, it would be a grave mistake to ignore the tribal setting of the Chin people when analyzing the potential social political structure to build one and united national force. On the other hand, when one tribal group tries to dominant the major and important decision making process at hand, without winning publictrust, it simply returns unilateral action with a few foxes of political alliances, pushing back all the rest at distance. This is a problematic major political cause factor so far among the Chin exile movement. Previously, some still may hold, the politicians and activists, hate addressing the naked truth about the ethnic setting and essential political steps to accommodate the diverse and fragmented social political forces.

However, having gone almost two decades without significant development, most, if not all, appeared to be accepting the reality and the essential political steps to recognize the political reality. However, we will continue to see the impact of the past tribal mindset and political ambition to control the decision making tools at hand within one’s own tribal group, attacking (potential) leaders from other tribal group to downgrade their public image, in stead of dealing with critical issue to issue, while protecting one’s own tribal leaders even when deadly wrong or committed crimes. That’s one of the most striking nature of tribal politics anywhere around the globe. There has recently been a progressive movement among the key tribal groups, armed forces as well as other non-violent political and social organizations that the political mode has changed toward reciprocal relationship, mutual recognition, and appeal for cooporation, at least among visible actors. However, there are more things to do toward mutual representation of the national issues if building a one and united national force is put top priority that any group or tribe of people should be encouraged to join the collective national force, in stead of marginalizing others, opportunity should be opened for all whether as political party, organization or as represents of their own tribal groups. Accommodating the diverse ideas and opinions would enhance building the essential and collective national force. Moreover, as we move into a new age, democratic information age, there must be means to enhance transparency in dealing any public agenda.

The General public should be encouraged to voice their opinion, whether in a public media or thru direct contact with key decision makers, and the ways should be opened for them to freely express their opinion without potential retaliation, for as long as the general public are intimidated not to speak their minds, they will never wholeheartedly involve in the movement and may not development sense of ownership of the movement. The general public are entitled to know where their money goes, where their support goes, unless such decision is confidential to serve the collective interest of all.

Lastly, but not the least, it is important that the movement has to have check and balance, a standard of measurement, to measure the progress, the fairness, and impact of the movement if the movement is heading toward the collective end goal or facing a dead end route. People hate to talk about this topic. To eliminate deadly social political evils, such as the extreme tribalism (communalism) , corruption, and destructive politics, while working to enhance building the collective national forces, is the essential part of the movement. Having a standard measurement would also help how much social political capital should be vested in what public agenda. Remark: These are known as anti-democratic elements: Extreme tribal politics, oppression of free expression of opinions,

Political Review, Nov. 2005

2007-08-20T14:55:00.000-05:00

Political Review: The Chins

Nov. 20, 2005.

So far so quit, as the heated political emotion has calmed down after 17 years of the nationwide democratic movement of 1988 in Burma, the Chin national politics, from the collective scenario of the whole as one people one nation, appeared to be strategizing itsselt for the future. The SPDC has been struggling to preserve its political trend both internally and externally, through the National Convention and by moving the national capital. Meanwhile, the fate of the people remained the same or worse than ever, but not necessarily the future is doom. The non Burman ethnics politics has its own role but without immediate power to overthrow the ruling junta. Likewise, the whole Burma pro-democratic movement reached its diminishing return. So, what is next?

Some might see the Chin people’s political trend as heading toward a dead end, which is not true. There is a future prospect for the people, taking every opportunity to empower our individual or collective capacity, if the available opportunities are handled appropriately and wisely for the collective good of all. Political fragmentation, the mishandling of a tiny opportunity and power, and with constant differences in opinions and arguments, some might have thought that that we are not going to make our history well but worsen the fate of the future generation. However, from the other side of the history, the Chin people have improved a lot and enriched our political capital disposable for national necessity of the future. Having been brought up and influenced by the dictatorship model leadership and government system, many might have thought that we all must be in one political party and move as a visible and powerful people. However, if we analyze each social unit and theinterconnectedness of our people at individual and social group level, our people remain united and motivated to move ahead toward the end goal of building our own history remarkable.

Compared to all other non-Burma ethnic groups in Burma, the Chins have gained exceeding intellectual capacity and knowledge as well as experiences that for the future, like a rising star, even to challenge the Burman majority, we will prevail, honoring the One who nourished our people with essential means for the rapid development of the evolution of human society. Some of our respected and honored leaders have passed away recently, such as Pu Dr. Vum Son, Pu Mang Tling, Pu Mang Bur, etc. If age if the only determinant factor, there are, unavoidably, others on the queue. They may be silence for some reasons, but they are vital to meet the interest of the contemporary generation. For a leader is not failed when it doesn’t gain enough wealth, power, or education, but when fails to generate leaders to lead the next generation, as our number one priority is not democracy or political power, but to build the image of our people with dignity and future certainty. Some, due to the surrounding political environment, might illusively conceived opinions that political parties or power is necessary in order to decorate our national history with collective dignity and future certainty. However, all theses means, political parties, social political capitals are just tools to achieve our collective end goal. For example, the political parties, such as theZRA, ZNC, CNF, CNLD, MMP, etc. are just means of political channels through which our people intended to canalize their national end goal, which for all is the same-the happiness of our people with national dignity and future certainty. None of our people, who might have been serving a long time with any particular political party or organization, will die for such political tool, but for our people. Any or more of them might have made mistake in the past, or of course none of them might be without error in the history. Therefore, there is no reason that our people wouldn’t be able to sum up each of their political capital for the collective good of all.

If the end goal could be potentially achieved through any particular political party or tool, all would be willing to contribute the essential means to carry out our national task. However, as long as, all things under considered, if any particular political unit is good only for one or more agendas, but not for all, let such political party moves strictly to achieve that goal. If the nomenclature, Chin or Zo, or Mizo, is significantly and apparently outstanding others to achieve our national end goal, then, none wouldn’t be hesitant to label himself or herself with any national identity. But the important thing is that none of us is enslaved by our own opinion to stick with any particularity when such action doesn’t have supporting rational and political attachments to prevail in the near future. When moral imperative, in human history, contradicts with the political reality, people should avoid confronting such un-winnable confrontation whether politically or otherwise. Supposed,a hungry man and a hungry dog, having been traveled for long day, reached at the same table in the late afternoon, where a piece of bread is laid down on that table, should the man grab the bread and fight with the dog, harming himself which would hinder him from continuing his journey? Or let the dog eat the bread? Unless the man wants to eat the dog meat, a wise thing would be to stay away from the bread, so that the dog would become his protective friend in the night when he needs to take rest. In other words, lets all ready to bear a little pain to avoid unnecessary confrontation with the political reality as long as it doesn’t endanger our collective end goal.

For a little while, we may be dismayed bearing a little pain, but for a long run, as long as we all stick together to meet our national end goal, we will prevail, for the God of our people is always faithful to prove to the world that we are his people and he is always with us and we are nothing less than those who worship any other gods and goddesses. Rather, we are happy people for in spite of the outward life circumstances, we keep singing songs of sacrifice and thanks to the God of our people. As long as our God is pleased, regardless of where we are or how people regard us, we are blessed people and we will prevail. May God Bless You All!

No Threat To Public Interest

2007-08-20T14:52:00.000-05:00

No Threat to Public Interest

The Problem with Conception

The conception, our leaders and activists perceived, based on the recent social political development, is seriously under question and needed all prudent and honest citizens’ serious review. Traditionally, before the British occupation, the Chin people were controlled by the collective conscience-the regime values-of the respective regional clan based society. The citizens’ submission to societal leadership was out of question. The social contract, although there had been social evils within the society, was based on mutual exchange of interests. Collectively, the society provided leadership, safety, and social economic means for happiness and survival of the citizens. Since then, the regime values (commonly accepted norms and principles) were created out of day to day social interaction in response to the needs and demands of the members of the society.

Since the British occupation, the social structure was destroyed-the regime values were partly abolished, and reframed with the “rulers and the ruled” social structure imposed by the western style feudalism. However, due to the supremacy of the British colonizers, there was no remarkable resistance from the citizens against the British’s appointee’s tribal chieftainship although they paid undue respect and taxes, in spite of the ruling against their wills. Since then, the role of the collective conscience-regime value-was subdued under the order of the tribal chiefs. The consequential impact on the Chin people was mental deposition with authoritarian leadership concept, and caste classification, which impact still remains in the minds of some young generation, especially whose forefathers paid undue respect and taxation to the British’s appo! intee tribal chiefs. Out of such social and political ill feelings, the Chin pioneers and leaders anticipated a movement to end the unjust laws of the society that followed by the declaration of the Chin National Conference held at the Falam city, right after the establishment of the Union of Burma.

Unfortunately, there were no ideological transformation or enlightenment during the short rule of democratic government lead by U NU who himself was by no means a democratic minded leader. Contrary to the democratic principles, U NU was the one who announced Buddhism as a national religion which revealed his in-depth political aspiration to establish one “people one nation” by Burmanizing the rest of the ethnic groups by means of religion, politics, and social reconstruction. Therefore, the Chin people, during the rule of U Nu, had no other means to transform the underlining leadership concept in the society.

At worst, after failing to implement his strategy to establish ‘One Nation One People Policy” in the country Burma , U Nu was terminated by U Ni Win, a military dictator. From their personal perspective, no doubt, they (the Burmese military leaders) were true nationalists, volunteers, national leaders, whose concern was the interest of the people, as they did actually sacrifice their own best-life for the cause of the nation.

Turning to the point to the Chin people’s societal leadership concept, lamentably, our mental deposition and psychological structure are still influenced, deposited, and hardwired by the authoritarian leadership concept of the pass history. When the Chin people, not only the Chins but all Burmese citizens, say “we want democracy”, it is comparable with Christians who say “we want to be holy as holy as God is.” Many, including myself, claimed to love democracy and extremely against the military dictatorship-authoritarianism, but many times, we ourselves follow the principles that are contradictory to the basic and fundamental principles of democracy.

In reflection to the recent Chin people’s political movement, the concept of leadership as well as the concept of serving the people and nation has been astray from the basic underling principles of freedom and democracy. Some, if not all, have thought holding guns (old AK47 or Chinese made M21) at hands and hiding in the jungle is equal to serving the nation, and therefore, they ignorantly assumed that the people owe them some credits both economically and politically, demanding the undue respect and material contribution.

Legitimacy

Democratically saying, any public institution is legitimate only when formed by the will of the people by voluntary association. No public institution have a legitimate authority to make any public related decision or impose any public policy upon the general public simply by claiming that it represents the public interest; which the SPDC brutally and inhumanly has been doing.

Some might have taken as granted by saying “this is a revolutionary period, so public consent is impossible at any matter. Therefore, as long as the central goal of our movement serve the public interest, our actions are justified even when it appeared to be worse or equal to the acts of the tyrants.” The question here is, can authoritarian practices bring democracy? Or symbolically, can a female crow give birth a chicken? If yes, the Burmese military (spdc) will definitely bring democracy one day in the Union of Burma . So, no reason to struggle for us.

Hence, as long as the public consensus is impossible, there is no means to legitimize any single individual or group or party’s arbitrary action against the will of the people. Until and unless the public consensus is possible on any issue, any individual, organization, or party’s status is simply being contested for the public trust and confidence to whom they (the public) will one day eventually vest certain power. Regardless to the historical and political context, no individual or party or organization possesses a legitimate authority to exercise a coercive power against the will of the people. In other word, by declaring to be being a democratic fighter or pro-democratic activist, no individual or party can claim upon the public as though the public owe to him or her certain respect or material contribution.

Reflecting the current Chin resistance movement, the CNF, ZRA, CNLD, NLD, or any political party or organization possess moral or legal authority to make any public related decision on behalf of the whole Chin population. Particularly, if the Tidim and Tawnzang district citizens, who identified themselves as Zomi, voluntarily pledge to support the CNF and consent with its principles, the CNF, then, may only claim moral authority to represent the interest of the people of the two constituencies, but nothing more, and at the same time, expect certain respect and material contribution from them. But if the CNF, with the support and consent of the two constituencies, goes further and demand the same to the Falam and Hakha, all other district local citizens, it goes beyond the vested moral or political authority. That violates its social contract between the Tidim and Tawnzang local c! itizens and the CNF and is abused of the public trust, unless their fundamental goal involve controlling the whole Chin society by means of coercive power. That analogy applies to all political parties and organizations. This is a real talk that always irritate some politicians’ ears.

“Many politicians hate the real talk,” said a philosopher, “because they usually rely on their illusive superficial political rhetoric to lull the general public and to manipulate the available opportunity for their political advantages.” Are we? I guess not!

Therefore, the Chin people are in need of serious reflection on their leader’s political screen-public policy and decision making model- as well as their (citizens’) own civic engagement as responsive citizens.

Decision making model

The negative side of the Chin traditional hierarchical social order to the people’s decision making model is authoritarianism, not only because of bad leadership but also because of the reluctant and irresponsive citizens. It may be correct to say, as much as the SPDC hates its opposition, the Chin leaders and political parties hate their critics. If a person is democratic or authoritarian can be derived by observing his decision making model. Another negative impact of the 40 decades rule of the Burmese dictatorship is the citizens’ withdrawal from civic engagement in public issues, fearing reprisal from the above leadership. Thirdly, the social or political organizations, regardless to its side or nature, are extremely hostile to dissents or opposite ideas. Therefore, it is collateral damage when the attitude of the public organizations are hostile to dissents and opposite ideas, at ! the same time, when the citizens fail to engage in any serious public decision making, not contributing their intellectual, political opinions, social capital or material dues. It is sad to say, the civic altruism is death within such kind of social structure.

Sometime ago, one Chin young man once said, “if my friend is wrong, I have to stand with him. Because, if he is right, then many people will like or appreciate him that he doesn’t need me at that time as a friend.” Although this statement reflects his true friendship relationship, it also says something about the decision making model of many Chins. In short, personal relationship dictates many minds. It may be appreciable at individual level, but if this model is generalized for any public issue, it would be publicly condemnable as unethical decision. As citizens of immature society, there have been no clear and transparent lines between private matters and public issues in the minds of many. It’s because, the Chin society has lost its “regime values” and many are ethnically and morally unclear about what is right or wrong when dealing with public issues, not able to distinguish! between what is subjective and what is objective. Many also based on religious moral ground when to decide right or wrong. But, unfortunately, unless one studies the Biblical principles extendedly, the Biblical principles are not crystal clear regarding the public agendas as its central focus is spiritual rather than social or political contracts. Whatever the rational ground one might take as basis for decision making, failure to know the extent of generalization leads many to face serious conflicts with others outside their own regional context.

As mush as a person who never traveled outside of his home town might be ignorant to assume “all the people of the world eat Ngapih (Fish-pickle) with as taste as he does”, a person who never exposed his mind to the opposite ideas may also be ignorant to make assumption to deny the possibility of the existence of any idea better than his or his family members or party-men’s. However, such ignorance no one should condemn as long as he or she never generalize his or her internal decision on any public issue that would have consequential impact upon the general public. His subjectivity is limited by his own physical limitation. Even though it might be wrong to expect a cognitive or normative high level decision making process all the times, it is essential to be aware of the extent of one’s subjectivity. Due to the ethnic setting in the C! hin society, segmented structurally, these things are extreme matter in public agenda decision making for this kind of historically crucial period of resistance movement.

Civic Engagement

In any public discussion or decision making process, or any public related common activity, civic engagement must be welcome whether it be in a form of criticism or advice or voluntary contribution. It is good to be aware of that wherever or to whomever the general public can not voice their opinions, leave alone its internal doom by its own self important against the law of nature and the common norms of the society, the general public will never be willing to voluntarily contribute their share to the common activities for the common cause. Therefore, for the sake of protecting and promoting the progress of democratization within our own society, as much as the SPDC’s repressive behavior against civic engagement and participation in any public decision making is condemned, we the Chin people must condemn any such similar or comparable action among us. Any public organization that is h! ostile to public criticism is not a democratic organization and, may be contrary to its self proclaim principality, is an authoritarian which is a threat to the growth and development of civic engagement and participation-the essential elements of a democratic society. The public leaders, should always look opportunity where and when the public open space can be set up where every citizen should feel free to voice his or her concern and interest. In stead of threatening, every public leader, social or pro-democratic activist must encourage, persuade, and guide civilians toward civic engagement.

Taxation

Some may wonder why, what political party collects money from the people, whether at gun point or as voluntary contribution, is called ‘tax”? No individual in the world is liable to pay tax to any organization, government, or political party to which he or she is not a member or with whom he has no social political or economic deal. It is a donation when paid as in kind contribution, but is robbing when collected at gun point which the poor and helpless citizens pay out of fears and tears. In description to the second point, it is politically correct to say, it is immoral, unethical, and illegal, comparable to the heinous act of the catholic priests’ child molestation (child sex abuse), vastly publicized in the American public media.

On the other hand, any individual or political party or institution has absolute rights to beg from the people both material donations as well as financial contribution. At the same time, any citizen is entitled with freedom to contribute his or her own in-kind donation or membership due to any organization. No one should bother with these inalienable rights of individual, unless his or her contribution conflicts with public interest.

Why forced money collection will not save our people and land from harm?
1) If the general public do not at will;
Whatever the public willingly pay is worth to count toward national movement. In contrary to democratic principles, whatever is collected at gunpoint for which the poor and helpless local citizens have to pay out of fears and tears will one day bring a curse to whoever consumes that monetary or material collection. It is destructive to the Chin people’s unity, national movement, hindering the general public’s willingness to participate in the national movement as well as to engage in any public issue.

2) The mount of collected is too small;

What the local citizens out of fears and tears can contribute is a little money compared to the expenses the Burma democratic movement received from foreigner donors. Some argue that “we want their (local citizens’) participation in the resistance movement. However, by forcing local citizens to participate in the national resistance movement by means of coercive power, not to mention forced recruitment, is nothing less than the Tyrannical acts of the SPDC. Therefore, whatever the party or organization, collecting a single penny at gun point is the public enemy and must not be tolerated.

3) The manner of collection usually threatened the public opinion upon the national resistance movement;
One may take the helpless local citizens’ materials or money by force, as the SPDC usually does, but it will never win their hearts. Rather, such uncivilized movement will only increase the pains and sufferings of the people, distancing the public from the resistance movement. For unity sake, every individual or party should restrain themselves from their political aggressiveness not to interfere the public interest while claiming to serve it.

4) The collector’s ignorant above his or her own limitation, politically and socially.
The money collector(s) should also be aware of their own limitation of moral and political authority. As mentioned above, one’s own regional context also must be taken under consideration. No party or organization can effort to implement any public policy equally and fairly throughout the Chin state or wherever the Chins reside. In that case, any party may be tempted to use money collection as a tool to discriminate any particular locality unfairly. Moreover, the political and moral limitation, having no solid ground to impose any public policy, not to mention the so called undue taxation, upon the general public should be always aware of when acting upon any public agenda. Any action that posts a threat to the general public or even to a single poor and helpless citizen, whether it be because of monetary collection or forced recruitment or forced labor, is a threat to the health of th! e society and is a public enemy, creating hostile environment among the general public.

Armed Resistance

Many misunderstood the terms to believe national revolution equal to holding arms in the jungle. In Burma , the non-Burman ethnics have been experiencing more than 5 decades of armed resistance which costs thousands of innocent lives and enormous national opportunity. More than 17 ethnic armed groups have negotiated with the SPDC. So, the Burma armed resistance movement posts no more threat to the military regime. Nevertheless, if anyone or group of people is willing to hold arms to fight against the Burmese military government, let no one condemn it. However, no one should try to arm himself or herself at the expense of public interest, which would mean self contradictory and pervasive against the healthy social and poli! tical environment of the whole Chin population. At worse, by means of armed force, no stupid political party or organization should try to persuade the general public to participate or engage or contribute their share to the resistance movement, which would equalize them to the SPDC. There should be much more advanced strategy to fight against the Burmese regime and to persuade the general public. If no one knows the way, in stead of threatening the public interest, none better do anything to get things worse.

Revolution

I, a little bit, concern about my contribution here, that some may feel offended by the contents of this brief note. Not that I fear reprisal or any kind of threat from anyone but I, contrary to my intention, may contribute to someone’s confusion over national revolution-the ethical, political and moral dilemma-“whether it be right to impose my own feeling and thinking to others who do not share my stance.” By no means, I am to discourage them. But my intention with my long note is this, if we are to revolve against any political tyranny, social cultural evil, or any destructive element of the society, we cannot use the same tools of the one we oppose. If we fight for a democratic rule, we must act accordingly. Unfortunately, in politics, there is no Jesus to pay for the sins of the sins of the politicians. In order to charge or award the politician, the people will count every single ! act, for the final day where all people will speak against or in favor of any politician. Hence, the word of Jesus is applicable that “what you sow you will reap.” The reverse question someone, pointing at the current political situation, may ask, “is that we sow we now reap.” Lastly, let’s open our minds and hearts and join our souls together against any thing that is a threat to the public interest and the health of our society, and to contribute at least our heartfelt prayers for the cause of our people and nation. Our society has been sick, that no one, within our capacity, shouldn’t be allowed to spread any deadly disease to increase the fears and tears of our helpless and desperately poor citizens, especially those who are in far back home. May the good God increase the good hearts of our people.

Are We Demoratics?

2007-08-20T14:51:00.000-05:00

Every adult Chin has witnessed the fragmentation of our society religiously, socially, and politically, which is not necessary signs of undemocratic in nature. On the other hand, the existence of diverse opinions and ideas are an essential component of a healthy democratic society. In other words, the question on the topic addressed to the process, not the essence of such existence. Traditionally, although our fathers claimed to be choosing democratic societal administrative system evidenced by the declaration of the abolition of the western style feudalism during the Falam Conference in 1947, the ideological trend of societal leadership among our people is still in a transitional period, and its evolution being stagnantly cornered by the oppressive military dictatorship by the Burmese military regime. In the process of transforming our society toward a modern enlightened living community, our people, especially younger generation, are being challenged by today’s questions ofmodern democratic principles. Whenever and wherever one is involved, this question, one way or the other, applied to its respective social contract.

Democracy, although not a perfect system, is the best so far we human society reached along the progress of social evolution, which we can assume, the Chin people prefer over all other options available at hand. However, reflecting the recent social movement, we can also assume, in many areas, our people have acted against the basic underlining fundamental principles of democracy for which we claimed to be standing for, and willing to pay the price, so, victimizing our own potentiality, like a soldier shooting his own shoes. During the “Band Age” of human history, might was power, in other word- the best hunter ruled all the time, and in chieftainship society relationship determined everything at the will of the chief. In those ages, collective decisions were made at the will of the strongest or of the chief whether it violates or victimizes the will of the majority. Although part of such decision making characteristic still plays certain rule in modern democratic society,especially to civilized society, individuals’ volitional choices is assumed to make the best decision for the common good of all. As it says “individual choice,” those individuals in decision making position must have essential basic rational capacity to judge objectively if the collective decision would serve the best interest of all concerned people.

The western thinkers, having overcome all the process of the pains of being in a melting pot, say “nationalism is a threat to democracy,” therefore, categorized many of such nationalist political underground networks under “terrorism” when such group practice violence means to achieve their political goal whether to coerce their own people or against the standing government. Whatever the western, especially the U.S., says is their own national interest, not necessarily true or applicable to all political contexts around the globe. However, there are, in every society, certain substantial factors; lets say necessary social political evils that are threats to democracy or to the proper and healthy progress of human social evolution. Some say, ignorant or illiteracy is a treat, but not necessary. Of course, if one is to make a decision or be part of decision making process, he or she must know what should be the best for all the concerned people to whom his/her decision is going tohave impact upon, even to the surrounding nature, while lacking the essential rational capacity could result with the opposite of his or her expected outcome.

There are two social factors, out of many, that have caused our people’s collective decision making process staled: the undemocratic leadership philosophy, and the tribal mindset which are intertwined historically. To have these two things passed, our people have been paying the price, of course. As last known to all of us, our tribal leadership, since before the British rule, was chieftainship where the blood relationship played a major role and followed by head hunting skills, numbers of children, and property possession, etc. At its own time, lets say, it was appropriate within particular set. Some, if not many, still follow their traditional leadership model, such as in Jordan, Saudi Arabia where the hierarchical kings rule. And in some other places, today, those royal lines are set aside from active societal decision makings but continue to keep them in honor of their ancestry, such as in England, Thailand, etc. In Chin society, the bloodline of the chieftains no longeroccupy special place in the role of societal decision making and its negative impact has become minimal. One of the biggest obstacles our people face today is not the royal line or caste oriented social division, but, as there were no single chief who ruled the whole Chin territory, the segmented tribal settings that severely divides the Chins politically, socially, and psychologically.

Helped by ignorance about their own rights and lack of means to oppose, when the British imposed their administrative system, the Chins did not resist whoever ruled them. Likewise, during the earlier period after independence, although there was a democratic system of general election, the exercise of individuals’ volitional choice was minimal, while being influenced by pre-conditioned social structure. The worse came when the military controlled the whole process of societal decision making. The social and tribal settings of the Chin people throughout those periods remained unchanged, and as a result the social interaction of the people for social cultural, commercial, or politics remained insignificant. Therefore, the traditionally and historically deposited mental settings of the people uncompromised that underlines the basic understanding of “who we are.” Threatened by historical nightmares and hindered by the internal psychological walls, although our people superficiallyand politically declare we all are “one people”, the level of acceptance still remain low to have unanimous flow of movement as one people when individuals’ volitional choice access to such rights to choose and participate in a collective decision. Negatively, such psychological insecurity imposed a defensive stance within a smaller tribe not to accept a leader from other tribe or not embrace an idea brought up by other tribes. As a result, social political alliances become more segmented that hinders a collective unanimous action when such movement is historically demanded to meet the end good of all. Secondly, as mentioned above, the undemocratic leadership philosophy or traditional tribal leadership concept still plays a major role in most of, if not all, the minds the of Chin people. Traditionally, although still partially true in many areas, leadership was relationship-blood relationship to the chief determined the major portion of decision makings of particular tribal set, followed by strength of family, property possession and contribution to the chief. Although not necessarily to the chief but to one’s own blood relationship, such mental deposition still occupy the minds of many of contemporary generation that play an obstacle role to elect and follow an effective and outcome oriented leaders of the society whether the leaders belong to one’s own tribe or not, making the basic fundamental principles of democratic leadership vulnerable at the hand of extremism and segmentation.

Keeping in mind the above mentioned social factors, throughout the process of democratizing the Chin society, if one’s top priority is national consensus and unity, one should pay enough attention to the importance of the Chin people’s social political behaviors generated by such traditionally deposited mental stances. Undermining people’s belief system structured by such mental deposition has caused civic disengagement when such collective action is required as an essential instrument to maneuver the flow of social movement toward the collective end goal. Here comes the challenge of today’s generation, to rationally jump out of the traditional “boxes” and collectively move toward the common end goal without bypassing required procedural justice whole eliminating the traditional social political evils. For one cannot defeat gangsters by practicing means of gangsters, or have peace and freedom at the expense of peace and freedom.

March 11, 2006.

Globilization and political resistance movement of the world's oppressed people

2007-08-20T14:49:00.000-05:00

The Diminishing Return of the Fate of the World's Oppressed People
Hre Mang
April 2006.

Globalization and resistance political movement

Now, people say, we live in a global village when and where information is transmitted through analog or digital signals, no longer carried by slow and heavy ships. Moreover, a commodity produced by the east corner of the world can now be utilized by the westerners within a couple of days. Today, who is walking on the Hollywood red carpet is viewable by almost everywhere around the world. Knowledge spread everywhere, wealth dominates every corner. "The world's competition is no longer how many miles your long range missiles can travel within one minute, but how fast is your modem," says Thomas Friedman. People can no longer be lulled by falsification of the ancient myths. The world is now connected everywhere, "no where to hide." The satellite camera can now take the whole world's image, and digitalize every single piece as necessary. The availability of the electronic mails, telephone services, and the free chatting software, free PC to PC calling software, etc., in short, the globalization, the rise of modern technology along with the drastic change of modern thinking and social behavior shape the modern global political phenomenon, international system, and the driving factors of relationship among nation states. As a result, the freedom movement of the world's oppressed people is somehow dismaying and the dimension of the international support for such movement has changed significantly. Most severely, the role of armed struggle for freedom is victimized and required to be replaced by a new face of freedom movement as demanded by the time.

During the cold war era, almost everyone sided either with the communist or the west and the most driving factor was super political power competition driven by possession of the most powerful weapons-nuclear warheads. Possession of powerful weapons and having strong political alliance were the strongest determinant factors in one's foreign relation. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the economic success of the USA, the driving factors for the international relation have changed from war oriented international agendas to other factors. Now, with the existence of nuclear warheads in several countries, the probability of conventional warfare is reduced and is no longer a threat to modern world, for the eminent collateral damage has reduced the probability for conventional third world war. Therefore, the new agendas of the world nation states, focusing the long-term economic survival and security of the country, occupy a larger role in the modern international relations. Moreover, the escalating global competition for resources and market share posits the essential reciprocal relationship among nation states that marginalizes the world's moral concern for the oppressed people groups around the world. Not only that the global ideological trend, necessitated by the rising nature of global terrorist threat, and the need for nations to push a strong commitment to cooperate to enforce collective moral norms, has changed the way nations support political method for liberating oppressed people groups.

Although ideologically incompatible, driven by economic necessity, the relationship between China and the USA can no longer be distant and rivalry. Proven by the recent trade deficit occurred due to the China's game play on its currency, the USA is, by no means, in control of the relationship unilaterally. The US's economic interest is above its interest in saving the Tibetan people or the Taiwan issue. The rise of powerful nations, such as India and China, and the growing regional institutions, such as European Union, ASEAN, etc. have caused significant changed in the international setting that no country stands alone or no country is holding the total power to change the whole course of the modern global system.

The changing nature of international as well as regional inter-governmental ties has made impossible to isolate a country by the rest of the world. The necessity of sharing interests, resources, and opportunities shapes the world political phenomenon. More than the moral imperatives and concern for the oppressed and the social injustice of any government, the self interest of nations, driven by the competitive nature of modern capitalism, is put above all in designing foreign policy, while the world's natural resources shows diminishing return. Constructive engagement, regardless of disagreement in domestic issues, becomes a must in the modern world. China now becomes the world's second largest oil consumers, hunting energy across the globe. With its fast growing economy, China, once the world oil exporter, now has to make alliances around the world oil rich countries. The Middle East, which once experts assumed as having been deposited with unlimited old resources now proven to be limited, while the world's energy consumption rises drastically, that the future obviously is uncertain, how long the available natural resources will able to meet the growing demand of the world population.

Day by day, the world's richest class of people get richer, and the poor poorer, regardless of the world events. In the USA, the world's father of democracy, there are more than 40 million people without health insurance and millions depend on public assistance. For the poor, there seems no way to jump up to the next level of social class-middle class. The US companies, outsourcing productions and employment opportunities caused millions loss of job, leaving the poor poorer and the needy with no way out. Hence, the modern trend of globalization moves in favor of capitalists and the ruling class of the world population. The concern for millions of the world's needy individuals and the sufferings of the oppressed people groups is secondary to the able nations' self interest driven by profit oriented inter-governmental relations. In other word, within the contemporary global political system, the cause of the domestically left-behind social class and of the oppressed people groups around the world has no significant impact relation among nation states. Regardless of differences in ideology, Communist countries and democratic countries can now shake hands with smiling faces and cooperate to meet each other's collective interests.

The rise of stronger regional bodies, such as North America Free Trade Nations, the Arab League of Middle East, the European Union, the Association of South East Asian Nations, and economic associations, etc. prevents the possibility of international intervention in one nation's domestic issues by any supper power without interfering the regional ties of that nation. At the same time, the growing sense of differences in socio political cultures, value system and world views also helps preventing foreign interference in any nation's domestic agendas. The situation in Iraq and Afghanistan is unique. Therefore, any nation that has strong ties within its own regional political context becomes more comfortable than ever, regardless of the ugliness and ruthlessness of the ruling government. The nature of global political association has changed from two major alliances style, the west vs. the communist, to regional alliances and economic ally. Moreover, the rise of borderless capitalist giant companies, that usually distance from its own government's political stance, focusing on the open market share, also has significant influence on the decision making process for international relations. The hunt for market share and resources become major driving factors of nations around the world, preventing regime change or total replacement model of political change even when such ruling government is brutal enough to be named "axis of evils." Therefore, preferring systematic transformation model of social political process for political change without threatening their own national economic and strategic interest, nations are reluctant to support armed struggles and violence movement against the ruling government.

The rise of international terrorism and its negative impact on resistance political movement

As mentioned above, what had happened in September 11, 2001 was not suffered by the Americans alone. Many foreign nationals who worked in the World Trade Tower died. Many share holders of the US stock market lost in millions in 2001 as a direct impact of it. Millions of travelers around the world were affected. The consequential hunt for terrorists, the World Trade Towers bombers, cost loss of many Afghans. The hunt for international terrorist networks also revealed the world's longtime underground political movement, their networks and links, how weapons were transported, how terrorists were trained, necessitating a new and strengthened international ties and cooperation against international terrorists. Second to or equal to the modern nations' economic incentives, collective action against such international terrorist network becomes a major driving factor in designing foreign relations. Along the hunt for resources and market shares, the fear of terrorist act plays a major role in the current international system. The fear is added by the easy access of modern weapon technology, which might have fallen in the hands of such underground terrorist network, requiring a tighter relationship and stronger commitment to put such important technology under control.

Unfortunately, the definition for terrorist and freedom fighter become more confusing as well as synonymous in some occasions. The Palestinians Hamas, now the winning party, is categorized by the US and Israel as terrorist organization. But proven by the last election, for the Palestinians, the Hamas members are freedom fighters, and for the Iran, a longtime political ally. Moreover, the existence of such underground facilities, even when such facilities provide means only for the freedom fighters, opens high potentiality for terrorists. For example, once supported by the US, the Taliban's underground facilities to overthrow the Russian invasion later became the golden place where Osama Bin Laden and his terrorist groups took military as well as terrorist training to bomb the World Trade Towers and plotted several attacks on the US embassies and facilities. As a result of the "fight on terror" the US has made laws, "Patriot Act" "Material Support Act" that flatly categorized the underground political armed force movement under the same category, blocking thousands of victimized refugees and asylum seekers from entering into the US. That one's freedom fighters is another's terrorists and vice versa.

Moreover, the easy access to modern technology and information networking changes the nature of modern underground political movement, which has both advantages as well as disadvantages for the oppressed people around the world. Unfortunately, the progress of ideological trend, especially among the oppressed people groups, stays much slower than the development and availability of modern technology and resources. Many of the world's underground political groups still function without much policy as well as strategic change, following the ancient or traditional resistance movement model that had been used since the ancient Chinese revolution, the Vietnamese revolution, the American revolution, etc. Meanwhile, the younger (x) generation has been mostly influenced and their thinking being shaped by the modern socio cultural norms, that the traditional resistance movement faces its diminishing return even within its own society. So, the modern resistance movement is still in limbo in search of modernized strategy to match with the contemporary international political phenomenon. In a stable society, systematic lobby and civil disobedience is still effective, such as gay rights movement in the US, students' protest in France against the France new labor laws, the Thai and Pilipino' opposition movement, the Muslim world's protest against the Prophet cartoon publicized in Demark, etc. But for the underground political movement, especially when the target is brutal regime, the effective strategy and viable political policy are still under search, and the existing strategy faces its diminishing return. Favoring strong and effective international or regional inter-governmental institutions, the contemporary global political trend victimizes the resistance movement of the oppressed people groups around the world. Although the US has been shouting loud against the Chinese oppression against the Tibetans, and the Russian's human rights violations against the Chechens, the president of the United States, Mr. Bush, no longer remembered the tears and cries of the oppressed people when he had fun and beer with the Russian president, Mr. Putin, in his Texas ranch and when he had press conference in in front the White House with the Chinese leader, Mr. Hu. So, sadly, the concern of the world's supper powers toward the world's oppressed people is minimal in its impact, and substantially just like a neighbor's consolation to his neighbor's crying child who had been disciplined by the parents. In other words, the stable nations' loud voices in support of the e causes of the world's oppressed people groups appeared to be just their own self justification to release themselves from the moral obligation imposed by their own conscience, but not that they would do their best within their power to free the oppressed people groups and the left-behind social class of the contemporary world order.

Contemporary humanitarian assistance and its impacts on the oppressed people's freedom movement

In recent decades, the world's humanitarian assistance to the needy people has increased. The inter-non-governmental organizations, religious in-kind institution and faith-based organizations, refugee and immigration services and so on have improved the global concern for the least fortunate people around the world. At the same time, the intellectual movement, social and humanitarian developmental projects, academic workshops and seminars have helped a lot in promoting the cause of the least fortunate and oppressed people. The globalization's negative impacts made the unpreventable spread of contagious diseases through human flow, the exodus of refugees, immigrants, and exchanges of labor forces that necessitated collective movement to prevent the unwanted social and human problems, leaving no society alone. Although the world's altruistic contribution helps the survival of millions of the global citizens, from political aspect, such contribution sometimes derailed the political end goal of the oppressed people groups one way or another. Ideologically, as the western thinkers used to say "Nationalism is a threat to democracy," and in many cases, due to the political restraint, the freedom movement of the world's oppressed people receives less attention and assistance from sympathizers.

For a good example, in the case of Burma, the world knows the death of thousands of students and innocent civilians at the brutal hands of the military leaders since 1988 Burma nation-wide pro-democratic movement, the only imprisoned noble laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, many prisoners of conscience in Burma jails, the flow of hundreds of Burmese refugees, the drastic spread of deadly diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, TB, etc. However, foreign assistances for the Burmese pro-democratic movement, hundreds of refugees and internally displaced people is minimal compared to the foreign aid that helps to the survival of the brutal military regime , if counted both direct aids to the regime government and the governments' benefits through the foreign investors and political alliances and economic partnership. And it is needless to meion, the minimal of zero assistance received by the non-Burman ethnic groups who have been struggling for freedom for more than five decades. Therefore, any assistance that goes to the oppressed people not even enough just to survive at their desperate lives condition. Therefore, such humanitarian contribution does help at least o tsome extent to the cause of the oppressed people groups, but never been to back up their national political survival to meet their political end goal, except for a few exceptional cases.

In short, the rise of globalization and the international terrorist network that have shaped the contemporary international and regional relation among nations marginalizes the cause of the oppressed people around the globe, and threatening their traditional method of political resistance movement without a viable new strategy for a new face of their freedom struggle. Meanwhile, although the increasing contributions of the non-governmental organizations, the inter-governmental organizations, international and regional bodies, and religious institutions still play an important role, the fate of the world's oppressed people's political survival is threatened to its lowest level of status quo. As much as the modern capitalism categorizes the global citizens into the haves and have not, the contemporary international political system classifies the global citizens into the rulers class and the oppressed. There seems no rising international system that would save the daily diminishing identities of the world's oppressed people groups. No savior no salvation, the world is moving in favor of the oppressors, whether economically or politically. In a sorrowful word, the contemporary global system has now revealed its real teeth, the "modern systematic slavery."

In a modern society, when an employer stated "HELP IS WANTED" in front of the company building, it means "PREY IS NEEDED" from whom the company owner would exploit the labor. Politically, when a nation says, "WE STAND FOR YOUR CAUSE" it means, "WE WANT TO ENSLAVE YOU"

Note: The author is a Chin student democratic activist, since 1988, leaving his higher level studies at Mandalay University , Mandalay, Burma.

We Were Soldiers We were Students

2007-08-20T14:46:00.000-05:00

Sestina: A Sandy Night Without Light: We were students, we were soldiers)
April 2002

I. It was the night of spring, 1991, when we, the students, Walked through a thick and dark jungle-from China to India border. The night, When the Stars and Moon hide their dim light. Half on the way, The darkest night ever blinded my eyes. No way to hide from the thorns, Stones and snakes. I wished I could see in the night, but no light. The forest, With its strange smell, entertained us, giving a serious warning to my friend.

II. "Leave me alone, leave me alone, let me die, please" groaned my friend, in the middle of a quite and silent night. Knowing the pain, all students harshly breathed. "Get up and walk," my friend was commended. "Let this forest be my grave" repeated my friend. All were aware of the danger of the night. Two more hours to walk to the safe place. When I pulled my friend up, the sandy thorns inside my shoes doubled their actions, tearing down my outer skins. We saluted the sharpen sand thru out the darkest night.

III. Inside the sandy river, up and down on the slope hill, we paved the Way With our bloody shoes. As though thorns penetrated his heart, my friend Groaned and groaned. No use of eyes or voice, a bat's signal, to avoid thorns And danger, helped us. Beyond the capacity of physical body, all students Extended the power of their inner souls. No torch no candle, but the darkness of the night. With guns and rice in my back, no complaint, no murmur, but to walk until the safe forest.

IV. The blood inside my shoes wet my socks. The sharp surface of the Forest Increased the fear to move my foots ahead. The unknown future, like the way Toward hell or annihilation. I forgot the taste of the day, when the night Dazzled me. The sharpen sand never stop eating the skin of my toe. My friend, Repeated his plea to let him choose his end. We were soldiers we were students. The echoes of the voices of the slaughtered innocents undermined the pains of the thorns.

V. After more than 40 days of travel, the tiny sands inside my shoes became like iron thorns. Poisonous leaves, harmful creatures, thorny sedges, all ruled the forest. My wet body, never end dropping liquid from my body. Not like students Of University, like the men who never learned how to walk, the way We walked made me laugh. It was around 1:30 AM in the night, my friend Threw himself on the ground, beside a tiny creek, if he reached his mother's home in the late night.

VI. Not yet a chance to pull my shoes off. The hour was like a fathomless night. Picking firewood, to make a student-medicine, I dragged the branches of thorns. Chinese tea leaves, salt and water from the creek, all made up for my friend. After a high combustion hot, salty and bitter mixture, a medicine of the forest, Dressed up our skinless toes. A bitter-hot-and-salty-student-medicine prepared us again for the way Of tomorrow. A bitter mixture dried up and roasted the skinless toes of the students.

VII. We lastly rested from the longest night until the next break of the day. Students Had not learned how to walk in the night, had not learned how to walk the way of thorns. The forest from China to India border made a soul-bounded tie among our friends-Chin students. “We were students, we were soldiers”

THLIPI le TISUAR A THO: ZESU KAITHO AW!

2007-08-18T21:31:00.001-05:00

Ziangruangah zumtu pawlin harsatnak kan tawng? Harsatnak kan tawn tikah kan zumnak cu khui ah saw asi? Kan zummi Zesu Khrih cu ziangvek Pathian (milai) saw asi? Kan Pathian kan thei taktak maw (Do we realy know our God)? Kan nitin nunah kan kiangah Zesu a itthat lai maw? Kai tho thlang aw!

Harsatnak:
Ziangruangah zumtu pawlin harsatnak kan tong?
- Harsatnak cu zumtu siatsuahtu ding a si lo
- Harsatnak cu Pathian thawn in nai ter tu, Pathian loin kan nung thei lo asi ti intheihter tu sawn asi
- Harsatnak cu milai sunglam nun thianhlim ternak, milai porh awknak sunglam nun bal pawl kangraltu meisa vek asi
- Harsatnak cu kan biakmi Pathian cu ziangvek asi ti kan theih sinsinnak hrang hmanrua asi
Zumtu pawlin harsatnak ziangvekin kan hmaiton?
-Harsatnak (tisung) ah kan pil hlo maw?
-Harsatnak cu thei lo bangin kan um maw, kan itthat maw?
-Harsantak ruangah midang kan mawhsiat maw?
Zumtu pawlin harsatnak kan ton ding ziangruangah Pathian in a siang
Zumnak:
Kan zumnak cu khui ah saw asi?
Kan zummi Pathian cu ziang hrangah kan zum, vanram kainak ding lawng ah maw?
Kan zummi Pathian cu khui ah a um?
Zesu:
Ziangvek Pathian (milai saw asi)? Pathian kan thei taktak maw?
Kan biak mi Pathian cun ziangvek thilthitheihnak a nei ih ziangvek thiltitheinak tiang hmang thei dingin kan hnenah a um

Harsatnak ziangtin kan hmaiton?

Khristian pawlin ziangruangah harsatnak kan tong timi ruat khawm hlanah Bawi Zesu le a dunthlungtu pawl thuanthu malte’n zoh hnik uhsi. A dungthluntu pawlin Bawi Zesu ih thusim mi tampi an ngai zo, mina a tidam mi, thlarau sual a dawi suak mi, thilmak a phunphun a tuah mi pawl an hmu rero zo ih an in le lo, sungkhat tan ta in Khrih dung cu an thlun rero. Zesu in mipi hnenah thu asim theh hnu ah “khatlam ralah va feh uhsi” a tivekin lawng thawn khatlam ralah feh dingin an feh. Thlipi a hrangih tisuar a tho ciamco, a kaithlun pawl cu an mangbang in “kan pil thluh thlang ding” tiah an au ciamco.

Bawi Zesu in ziangruangah thlipi le tisuar huk dumdo lakah a kaithlun pawl kha thlaphang le lungphang hiamhiam dingin a itthah san? A dungtluntu pawlin ziangtin harsatnak cu an hmaiton? Lawng sungih tohkham sau parah Zesu a itthat lai le a dungthlun tu pawl lungphang zuangzam rero pawl cu mithlam ah langter in thu ruat khawm hnik uhsi.

Ahmaisa ah kan zir thei mi pakhat cu harsatnak hi kanmah siatsuahtu si loin Pathian thawn in naiter sinsin tu, Pathian huham cahnak, a lainatnak le duhdawtnak in theifiang sinsin ter tu le kan zumnak hnget khoh ter tu sawn an si. Kan biak mi kan Pathian hnen ihsin malsawmnak, rundamnak, thlarau le tisa laksawng a phunphun kan dawng rero zo ih a malsawmnak kan cen rero hnu khalah kan Pathian sinak hi kan thei famkim thluh thei dah lo ih kan theih hrih lo mi, a huham cahnak le ropitnak hi a um ringring. Cutin a mah thawn kan nai awk sinsin theinak ding, kan biakmi Pathian cu kan theih sinsin thei nak ding sawnah harsatnak cu kan hmakhua ah a thleng theu sawn asi.

Harsatnak kan tawn tikah zumtu pawlin ziangtin kan hmaiton theu? Himi casiar tu kan zate’n Zesu le a dungthlun tu pawl lakah lawng parah rak to ve sehla thlipi le tisuar a tho dupdo, a huk dupdo tikah mi hrekhat cu tipi sungah a dawp kan um men ding a zum um.
Voi tampi cu buainak le harsatnak kan tonmi cu ziangtin thatnak lam hrangah kan her tum ding, harsatnak lak ihsin Pathian in ziang in zirh duh timi hnakin harsatnak sungah kanmah lala kan pil hlo theu, tisungah kan dawp pang theu. A dungthlun tu pawl cun buainak an ton tikah Bawi Zesu hnenah, “Bawipa, kan thih thluh pawi na ti lo mawsi?” an ti. Voi tampi cu harsatnak le buainak kan ton tikah kanmah lamah ziangvek tlaksamnak kan nei timi zoh loin “zoha ka mawhsiat ding?” timi kan zoh hmaisa theu. Cun, himi casiar tu pawl hi Bawi Zesu le a dungthlun pawl lakah lawng rak to ve sehla mi hrekhat cu kanmah riangri tohkham sau parah a itthat rero kan rak um men thei. Kawhhran tampi ah thlarau mit in nan zoh asile pastor, kawhhran upa, tuu khal pawl a itthat ih hngawk rero nan hmu theu men thei. Zumtu, kawhhran member pawl an thlaphang in an thlarau a vavai rero, tihal in an au rero khal theithei lo, an buai an aukio laiah a itthat rero mi pastor, mai tisa hlawknak lawng ruat in thlarau mitcaw pastor tampi nan hmu men thei. Cuvek thotho in mai harsatnak le buainak hman thei lo, thih ngeingeinak nathrik in taksa sunglam a ei re rawp rero lai ah, dam vek in thei aw si sunglam thlarau nun cu khensar nathrik (pulh nathrik) pawlin a ei ngawr theh mi zumtu tampi kan um (thei). Sualnak tisuar in in khuh dupdo, tisung ah kan pil cuarco, (thlarau in) kan thaw kan thaw thei nawn lo, kan mit a nga riairiai lai khalah harsatnak kan tong, kan buai asi ti thei aw lo, Bawi Zesu kawh hna thiam lo, zumtu ti aw tampi kan um theu. Vawi tampi that duh ruangah harsatnak thup hmang tla kan um. Tisuar a huk dupdo rero nan, pa raltha, zumtu tha si duh ruangah sunglam nun khur rero, thlaphang rero cingin buainak nei lo vekin Zesu kawh hna thiam lo tampi kan um thei. That duh tuk le midam si duh tukah khensar natnak a nei rero nan a thup men tu cu a mai thihnak lamzin a sial rero asi ti a theih awk a tha. Tisuar in a nunnak lawngpi cu a fen dutdo, thlipi le tisuar in a khuh duahdo laiah, zumnak hnget khoh nei si lo, Zesu Khrih kawh hna thiam lo cu mahlemah thisung ah phim aw rero tu asi fawn.

Harsatnak cu ziangruangah kan parah thleng dingin Pathian in a siang? Ziang hmuahhmuah cu Khrih kutsungah pek asi zo ih a duhduh in kan harsatnak pawl cu in ti lak kiang sak in a cem ter in a dai ter thei ringring. Kanmah siatnak si loin amah Pathian kan theih sinsin theinak ding hrangah hmanrua tha an si sawn ruangah kan ruahban lo, milai in kan tuah thei lo, kan tlin lo, kan tuar thei lo mi harsatnak khal kan parah a thlen theunak sawn asi. Cuvek can lai khalah, Bawi Zesu cu na kut in na tham banah na kiangah nangmah kanmah bawm dingin, kan harsatnak tisuar pi tukdai dingin a um ringring, in hngak ringring asi. .

Khui ah si kan zumnak?

Khrih dungthlun tu pawl hin Israel thuanthu an thei, Pathian in van ih ni a din/cawlh ter lai, sersiammi parah thuneihnak a nei asi ti a langternak ah Joshua in ral a do lai ah ni a cawlh ter mi thuanthu pawl kha a dungthluntu pawlin an thei ko ding. Bawi Zesu in thilmak tampi a tuah mi khal an hmu zo. Asinan, tisuar le thlipi cu Bawi Zesu in a tukdai thei ding maw, Bawi Zesu khrih hmin in anmah in teh thli le tisuar parah thuneihnak an nei ding maw ti khal an thei lo a bang. Bawi Zesu in ‘Khui ah saw nan zumnak?” tiah a kawk hai. Kan zummi Pathian hi kan zum taktak maw? Kan thei taktak maw? Milem bia pawl pathian biak vek fangin kan zum in kan be rero pang maw? Kan zumnak hin nitin ih kan ton mi nunramah a takin hmual a nei maw? Bawi Zesu cu kan nitin nunah kan Bawi le lal taktak asi maw? Ziangvek tluk fangin Pathian kan zum? Kan zummi kan Pathian thawn kan pehtlaih awknak hi ziangvek fang asi? Mi tampi cun Pathian kan zum kan timi hi vanram kainak lawngah kan zum ih kan nitin nun ahcun hmun kan neither ve dah lo ruangah kan nun cu Pathian thu thawn a hla aw zet theu asi lo maw? Milen bia pawl vekin Pathian cu biak inn sungah kan tan ta theu ih hmun dangdang ahcun kan duhduh in sualnak khal kan tuah, misiatnak khal kan tuah, kanmai tisa diriam zawng in kan nung, cutikah harsatnak kan ton tikah vava kan tum theu. Cuhnakin a pawi sinsin mi cu mangbang vansan can hmanah Zesu kawh hna thiam lo kan um lai hrih.

Kan nitin nunah harsatnak kan ton can ah siseh kan lungawi can ah siseh Pathian thawn ziangtluk nai/hla ah kan feh ti hi zoh aw sal uhsi. Lawng parah Bawi Zesu, thlipi le tisuar parah thu neitu, um cingin a dungthluntu pawl thinlung sung ahcun Zesu cu thlanghra dan um vek a rak si? Nau te pakhat cu sahmuan (zoo) ah na hruai tikah ramsa pawl cun an keu thei lo, ramsa hmuan kiltu pawlin ramsa pawl cun milai keu ban lo dingin an ret/tuah nan, naute cun a hmuh tikah a tih thotho vek khi kan si theu. Kan zummi Pathian thawn ziang tluk kan nai aw aw ih kan zummi Pahtian cu ziangvek thiltitheinak nei ah kan ruat? Biak in sungah nitin thlang leng rero na cingin Bawi Zesu thawn hlapi ah nitin kekar rero a theih asi. Nitin Bible cabu kengin Pathian thu sim rero, Pathian thu simmi ngai rero, thlacam ringring na cingin Pathian Thlarau thawn hla pi ah kan rak vakvai reo thei thotho asi. Kan Pathian khui ah saw asi?

Bible sung thuthimnak pakhat in la hnik uhsi: Thuthlugnhlun sungah, Vancung mi cu Gideon hnenah lang aw tahratin “Pa raltha, Pathian na hnenah a um asi” a ti tikah Gideon in ziang ati? “Pathian kan hnenah a um asile ziangruangah kan Israel miphun parah hivek a thleng?” Cuvek cu harsatnak kan ton tikah kan thinlung sungah a thleng theu mi asilomaw? Pathian in in tlansan, Pathian cu vanramah a um ruangah kan harsatnak in theihpi lo, kan kawh khal le in thei ban lo, asilole kan sual tuk ruangah kan thlacam in sang duh lo, asilole a dungthlun tu pawl vekin kan Pathian cu a itthat ah kan ruat theu asilomaw? Kan duhmi kan ngah lo tikah, kan ruah lopi’n thil a thleng tikah, kan ruahsan mi vek in thil a cang lo tikah, kan duhmi kan hloh tikah, Pathian cu kan hnenah a um nawn lo, in tlansan vekin kan thei theu asi lo maw?

Kan Pathian cu khuiah a um, tiah kanmah le kanmah kan sut awk hlanah “ka zumnak cu khui ah saw asi?” tiah mah le mah sut aw sawn ding kan si. Kan biak mi kan Pathian, Zesu Khrih ih Thlarau, Thlarau Thianghlim cu Biak in tumpi sungah a cam ringring mi asilo. Bible in ziang in sim? Pathian Thlarau Thianghlim cu amah zumtu pawl hmuahhmuah thinlung sungah a ceng, a cam, a um ringring asi. Cui Thlarau Thianghlim cu Pathian thiltitheinak huham cahnak thawn a khat mi asi. Na harsatnak thlipi le tisuar tukdai dingin na kai tho ve ding maw? Ziang hmuahhmuah parah thuneihnak, huham cahnak nei tu Pathian cu na Pa, na Pathian, na rualpi tha bik asi zo ih Thlarau in na sungah a um ringring. Curuangah, na zum ngam zatin a ropitnak le huham canak na hmu ding, na zum ngam zatin malsawmnak khal na co ding.

Ziangvek milai saw asi?

A dungthluntu pawl cun nitin te Khrih dung an rak thlun rero nan, Bawi Zesu in tisuar le thlipi parah thu a pek ih “cawl uh” tiah a cawlhter tikah a dungthluntu pawl cun “Ziangvek milai fapa saw asi?” tiah mangbang le phaw keke in anmah le anmah an sut aw zawk rero.
Rev. Peter Lialian in a simmi tatthimmi thutawi kan vun sang ta ding: voi khat cu, kawlphai ah Saya Ahung te pawl thawn crusade an tuah zik. Cutikah, khawsung kawhhran upa pawlin mikhual an va hmuah. Culai ah Saya Ahung te pawl an rak tleng. Kawhhran upa pakhat pa cun, mikhual pawl hnenah “Saya Ahung te pawl an rak ra dingih kan nuam zet ding, amah cu thusim thiam ngaingai asi” ti ah a sim rero. A simmi pa cu Saya Ahung asi ti a rak thei lo. Cutikah Saya Ahung cun “Saya Ahung cu na thei mawsi?” ti ah asut. Cutikah a nih in, “Ka thei tuk e, a thusim tla ka ngai ringring, thusim tla a thiam zet si?” tiah a ti. Cuvek cu mi tapi kan si theu. Bawi Zesu thu hla kan thei ringring, a thu kan ngai ringring, a thu cu amah Bawi Zesu lala hnak hmanin kan sim thiam sawn tla asi thei. Asinan, amah Bawi Zesu taktak cu kan thei lo theu. Curuangah nineta bikah Bawi Zesu in “Rawl ei ding ka neih lo can ah rawl in pe dah lo” tiah mi tampi hnenah a ti lai ding. Kan zummi Bawi Zesu cu kan Biak inn sung tohkham neta bik ah tla a rak to ringring theu thla asi thei. Kan nitin hnatuannak hmunah kan kiangah a tuan rero tla asi thei. Kan zummi kan Pathian hi kan thei taktak maw?

Kan zummi Pathian hi ziangtin kan thei? Vanram kainak ticket in leisak tu lawngah kan ruat theu asi lo maw? Kan nitin nunah kan thinlung sungah hmun kan pe mal tuk theu asi lo maw? Kan nitin nunah, biaknak siseh mimal le senpi khawtlang hrang thuhluknak kan tuah tikah Bawi Zesu in hmun a nei mal tuk theu asi lo maw? Nupi pasal kan hawl awknak ah, rualpi kan kawm awknakah, ramdang kan fehnak ah, hna kan tuannakah, midang thu kan relnakah, kan harsatnak kan hmaiton tikah, Bawi Zesu in hmun luah mal tuk theu asi lo maw? Cutin si sawn loin, zumtu pawlin kan biak mi kan Pathian cu kan lal, kan rualpi tha, kan sungkhat nai bik, kann rinsan bikmi dinhmunah dinter ringring ding kansi. Nupi pasal karah ah siseh nu/pa le fa le karlak khalah Zesu Khrih cun hmun kaubik, tha bik kan luah ter lo tikah buainak kan tong ringring theu asi lo maw? Kan lungawi ah, kan ruahsiat ah, Zesu cu a hmaisa bikah kan ko lo theu asi lo maw? Anih cu mi zohman in in theihpi thei lo mi, nupi pasal sungkhat unau, nulepa hnenah kan sim ngam lo mi, kan sim khal in in theihthiam sak thei lo mi, kan nun thuthuk pawl khal in theihsak, kan sim hlan ihsin in theihsak ringring ih ziangtikah a hnenah bawmnbak kan dil ding, ziangtikah amah cu kan nai bikmi dinhmunah kan ret in amah kan pan ding timi hngak in kan kiangah a um ringring sawn asi. Kan sungah Thlarau in in cencilh ringring sawn asi.

Kan nunah ziangvek hmun kan luahter, kan pek timi zirin a thiltitheinak le huham cahnak khal kan hmu ding. Cun, Zesu Khrih cu ziangvek in kan zum? Zovek asi ti in kan thei? Zianghmuahhmuah parah thuneihnak nei tu asi ti ah kan thei nan kan nitin nunah cui thuneihnak cun lai in rel sak dingin hmun kan pe lo theu asi. Kan taksa thinlung thlarau damnak hrangah, kan hnatuannak, in le lo, thil le ri, midang kan pehtlaih mi hmuahhmuah par khalah kan lal le thuneitu ah kan ret asi ahcun cu pawl hmuahhmuah cu amai hmin sunlawinak hrangah amah sawn in a kil him theu sawn asi.

Netnak: Kan nitin nunah

Zumtu pawlin Pathian thukam (promise) kalhzawngin kan tonmi pawl hi Pathian kan theih sinsinnak ding hrangah asi sawn.
-Siangpahrang tuan dingin hriak thih asi tikah, David in ziangvek a tong? Israel siangpahrang tuan rero lai, Saul in thah a tum;
-A unau lakah lal le miuk tuan dingin mang a man ve ten Joseph in ziang a ton? A unau pawlin thah an tum, salah an zuar, Pontifar nupi in sual a puh, thawngah an tlak;
-Zesu Khrih in a dungthlun dingin a kawh hnu ah Paul in ziangvek a tuar? Amai miphun pawlin vawi duailo an thawi, an fel, a thi sihmang tiah hnawr pawn ah an hlawn, a taksa sungah natnak a tuarih ttap ruangro in Pathian a ko “a naa tuk, ka taksa sungah feipi ih sun vekin a naa” a ti, Rome cozah in thawng an thlak, a rualpi pawlin an tlansan theh;
-A miphun pawl khal sal sung ihsin hruaisuak dingin hril asi tikah Moses in ziang a tuar? Naute asi lai ihsin thah ding in hawl a si, a miphun pawlin an hawng, siangpahrang inn ihsin tlan in hram lakah kum 40 sung tuu khal a tuan;

Hi pawl hmuahhmuah hin tuisun ah kan hnenah ziangthu tal in theihter duh mi a um asi ahcun hihi a tel ti a fiang, zumtu, Khrih dungthluntu pawl nunah Pathian in inkam cia mi, kan zumnak ti siatsuah dingin nasa ten dodal tu, thlarau sual in in do ringring asi. Lennak thlawsuah dawngin in tiamkam cia mi, zumnak nei kan si ahcun tlaksamnak anhai nak in tikcu ziangmawzat kan hmakhua cu khua a luah san men thei; miphun, kawhhran, pawlkom mipi hruaitu dingin vozem le Pathian hriak thih mi kan si ahcun a linglet in midang huat bikmi tla kan si can a um thei; Pathian mi hman zet, leitlun ah mi tampi parah van thlawsuah a luansuak nak ding, Pathian hriak thih kan si ahcun tluksiatnak le dodal nak a phunphun kan ton hmaisak a tul tla asi thei. Cuticun, Pathian hnen ihsin kan ngah dingmi, Pathiann kan riannak ding tiah kan ruah mi, thlawsuah malsawm kan dawng mi tiah kan ruah mi dinhmun thleng thei dingin a hlatbiknak hmun ah kan din can tla a um thei. Cu hmuahhmuah cu Pathian in in tiamkam cia mi siatsuahtu an si lo, Pathian hnen ihsin kan ngah mi thlawsuah malsawm, kan mah hmangin Pathian in mi tampi thlawsuah a pek mi pawl hi amah Pathiang zangfah lainatnak, Khrih ih duhdawtnak le kan sung ah in cencilh tu Thlarau Thianghlim thiltitheinak huham cahnak liolio in tuahsuak an si ti in theihter tu, kan thinlung sungah milai porh awknak pawl meisa vekin kang alh ih thianfai tu sawn an si.

Zumtu unau, tuisun, tuican ah, taksa natnak, thinlung retheihnak, thinhengnak, zumnak tlaksamnak, tluksiatnak, famkim lo nak, mi huat nak, dodal nak, heknak, relsiatnak, thangsiatnak, na thinlung in a tumtah le a duhmi pawl thawn kalh aw mi pawl na nitin nunah a thleng rero asi ahcun zianghman na mang bang hlah she. Zan na it tikah tisuar hrum dupdo, thlipi hup dupdo tluk in na hna sungah it that thei lo ding khawp in a lo hnaihnawk tu thil a um maw? Na lamzin fehnak cu a cim bal theh zik, na damsung lawngpi cu a siat zik cuahco, tisungah a pil zik cuahco vekin na thei maw, a hua tu na siatnak a tuah duh tu pawl cu an tam sawn ih an cak zet, an tong thei zet, thil an ti thei zet vekin na hmu hai maw? Dik lo zetin mawsiat le zuarthlai na tong maw? Na covo le canpual ti ah na ruahmi pawl cu midang in an lo siatsuahsak, laksak vekin na thei maw? Na hmailam hrang na tumtah mi lamzin cu thim hin a khuh vekin na hmuh can a um maw?

Bible sung tahtthimnak pawl zoh hnik uhsi; Bible sungah zumtu pacangtha pawlin Pathian thukam an nunah a famkim hlanah mangbang anhaiza harsatnak an tong hmaisa theu.
- Abraham- Van arsi zat tesinfa nei dingin thukam asi lai ah a fapa neihsun cu raithawinak ah pek fial asi, a theih lo ramah a feh suak a tul.
- Joseph-Lal (Mi Uk) tuan dingin mang a man laiah sal tannak, sualnak nei lo rori thawng thlaknak, mai unau pawl ih huatnak, thuphan puhnak pawl a tuar hmaisa
- David-Siangpahrang tuan dingin hriakthih asi laiah Saul siangprang in a hua ih le thah ding tiangin hual a tuar
- Paul: Zumnak dik, vanram laksawng a hmuhsuak ih Khrih ah thukamthar a cove ten a miphunpi pawl huatnak, vuak le velh, taksa natnak, thinlung sual awknak, thawng tlaknak tiang a tuar
- Khrih Zesu-leitlun milai runsuak dingin-a nauta bik Khross parah thahnak a tuar hmaisa

Ziang na tong ve?
-Taksa damlonak, thinlung retheihnak, huatnak, tlaksamnak, milai thinlung duh lo zawng, Pathian thukam kalh zawngin a thleng rero mi, na tawn mi a um maw?
Cuhmuahhmuah cu leitlunah zumtu pawlin an rak feh zomi lamzin a si.

Khrih Zesu cu na kiangah a itthat lai maw, kai tho thlang aw!

Na kiangah Zesu a it that maw? Kai tho thlang aw! Zianghmuahhmuah parah thuneitu, Pathian Fapa Zesu Khrih cu na sungah Thlarau Thianghlim hnatuannak in zianghmuahhmuah parah thuneihnak huham cahnak thawn a lo um pi ringring asi.

Common Sense

2007-08-18T21:27:00.000-05:00

Common Sense

If everyone lives by high level common sense, no rule and law would be necessary and the legal professional field would have never existed. However, due to different perceptions of objects and different social background that constructed different levels of senses, laws and regulations are necessary to minimize conflicts and maximize happiness. Still the problems exist for having no perfect law makers with perfect common sense and perfect system to implement them, needless to mention the incapacity of the people to grasp the common norms and abide by them. On the other hand, due to lack of common perception on the well established norms and rules, in practical, conflicts and problems of human relation harm many. The conflicting interests of the people still victimize many more every day.

In religion, people preach perfect love, humbleness, humility, long suffering, sacrifice, comparison, and all the good words are contained in their messages. But many cry or die for the sake of their belief and many are victimized to serve the interests of others’ religious beliefs.

In politics, leaders preach perfect sacrifice, goodness, justice, volunteerism, public good, collective interest, so on. But many have been victimized, killed, murdered, and assassinated to meet the interests of some political groups.

In social, everyone appeared to be having self professed common sense of social belongingness and understanding of the appropriate social contract of human relation. But many are left being victimized or sleepless due to the improper actions and words of others.

In economics, fairness is victimized by profitability and legality existed in favor of the manipulators.

In search of happiness and satisfaction, people maximize their daily effort, but no one is constantly being filled with such perfect happiness and blissful satisfaction of competency. One thing because, they fail to get the object they are looking for, and second, they fail to detect the source of such human curiosity that can never be wholly satisfied and be filled with perfect happiness. In defense of the emptiness of their selves, they take a defensive position or sometimes aggressively grasp even undue opportunity that illusively lulls them sleep in ignorance until they wake up with another compelling human curiosity.

In some cases, one’s hero is another’s thief, traitor, or murderer or else; one’s holy leader is another’s evil and most dangerous one; one’s truth defender is another’s liar; one’s defender is another’s killer; one’s provider is another’ thief; one’s priest is another’s child molester; one’s beloved one is another’s destroyer; one’s king is another’s culprit, one’s hero is another’s assassin, and so on and on.
So, where is common sense, if it ever existed? What is the role of common sense? There may be, but limited to provide only most simply understanding, such as fire is hot, ice is cold, human sleep in the night, etc.
When common sense is contaminated, corrupted, totally illuminated by socially or politically or religiously or morally devilish ideology, behavior, movement, it plays no more morally and ethically worthy roles in human relation. As a result, the actor can no longer see the pain of the victims of his or her action, can no longer sense the commonly acceptable manner, can no longer serve the collective interest of the society, can no longer live as normal persons, as long as it serves his or her own interest, his sense no longer help him or her see fairness or moral imperative, and so usually step outside of normal human behavior.

So comes the assassination, rape, lie, slandering, robbing, stealing, discrimination, victimization, on and on. The world cries, people die.

In dealing with those people whose common sense have been corrupted, contaminated, polluted, and totally illuminated, as mentioned above, it is good to be aware of their brutal self serving behavior even at the expenses of the innocent lives. Only pain and severe infliction can prevent them from fulfilling their self serving human curiosity at the expense of others and their victimization of common sense and the truth. Nothing can make their common sense awake, until they see the irresistible force imminently threatens their interest or existence. Therefore, in dealing with such people, whether individual or groups, whether political group or religious ones, common and gentle words cannot bridge the gaps, unless in cases of sharing similar profits of similar cruelty of similar parties. Or submission to such immoral existence and behavior would drag down one’s core value of existence.

Once common sense is lost, character, morality, fairness play no role in human decision making process, but self serving want and interest dominate the determinant factors of human mental impulses. So, countless examples surrounded us.

Here is the call of time and history to all prudent citizens, to watch and pray that none of our people would be fallen under such self victimization of losing common sense; no tribal political party, no religious sect, no social club would have to pay the p

How To Motivate Chin People

2007-08-18T21:26:00.000-05:00

HOW TO MOTIVATE CHIN PEOPLE: SOCIAL POLITICAL INCENTIVES
Hre Mang
Jan 04

Abstract: This article explains a brief social aspect of the recent Chin people’s movement and social political incentives of the movement. (If you think you interest, read it and when you finish reading you will feel like as though you never read it.)

There are, people say, movable and immovable people. The mobility of the people is usually based on both the mental psychological deposition and the social political incentive factors. If any particular people group move far behind the contemporary group of people she might have to loss privileges in the history, on the other hand, if any social group is advanced far ahead of others the people might have gained additional advantages than the rest. At least from social cultural aspect, Chin people are apparently very much movable. However, looking back the recent movements around South East Asia, the Chin people of Burma stays always behind others. This is not to blame the Chin people but to clarify the historical settings where the Chin people partake within a particular context of time and history. It is encouraging to see that the Chins who were, comparatively, born from the first century type of society are now competing with the 21st century generation around the world. Although there may be some short of social cultural or psycho intellectual shortcomings, if they were moved with the right force toward a certain end, there is no doubt they will able to compete with the rest of their relatively advanced generation at least within the political context of contemporary Burma. From the overall evaluation, the reason why the Chin people stay behind is not whether the Chins are movable or immovable but if there is the mover with the right force.

Every conscious adult seems to have conviction that we need to move toward a certain direction. The first phase of the Chin people’s recent movement has faced unexpected calamity leaving enormous social political damages with politically death social groups. No wonder, if some people who considered themselves to be the movers or the moved stuck in the middle knowing nowhere to go ahead, lacking the essential force to motivate themselves. As we are in the middle of a political, social, and intellectual transitional period, it is understandable when people face difficulty to place themselves in the right place within their own historical context. That’s why we urgently need the right means of motivation by the right force toward a certain end goal. Although it may sound like telling a sick person about his sickness without giving him a medication, it may, on the other hand, be good to let him prepare for the essential healing.

Not only the Chin people lack means to exchange ideas, norms, and social practices to formalize and generalize them within the Chin society, during this social political transitional period, there is also lack of simplified moral and social path where people would easily identify the highest moral quality for day-to-day moral and social decision makings. It is also true far more for political ideological trend. It was not because the people were bad or uncivilized but because the segmented socio political and cultural settings of the people that delay the formation of socio political and cultural common grounds. Even the existence of such segmented social settings is not bad by itself, but the consequences of it when the social political actors of the society miscalculate the importance of the grassroots level social and political capital, it always causes unexpected social political setbacks. As it is one of the most important transitional periods and the fastest growth in the Chin people’s civilization, from the previous traditional social hierarchical order to a “new-form-model society”, there are, beside different social cultural understandings, various levels of intellectual developments among the people that makes the pattern for means of social political influence harder than ever. The social deposition of the people, based on their social and ethnical attachment, still stays fixed as much as or even more then that of the previous traditional society. As the individual survival and safety is, due to the collapse of the political administrative system, no longer based on one’s submission to the societal leadership, people care less about the governing body of the society and intend to rely on their own individual social attachment. Therefore, the nature of the social psychological settings of the people is far more complex during this transitional period, leaving the social actors without certified means to move the people toward specific direction.

The people’s recent access to the outside world has double impact on the people’s ideological trend. Intellectually and socially, the Chins who were born from the first century type of society are now exposed to the 21st century world. A little boy who once played with bugs and flies is now playing with computer keyboard. He must be feeling as though he becomes a little god when he looks back his childhood. A man who once traveled 30 miles a day through a jungle footpath with 100 lbs carry on his back is now driving a world-class model car. He must be feeling as though he becomes a little king, comparing himself with his previous village chief. A little girl, who once was crying for a small piece of Ta-na-kha is now beautifying herself with Hollywood actress’ choice. Once more, a little boy who once was playing with mud and bug is now playing with world-class wine and XXX drinks, saying, “Who cares, Who dares?” More excitingly, a man who never greed even a postman at the door is now speaking in front of world-class social actors. Aha! How great we the Chins are! Let a democratic government be installed in Burma and let our young generation in exiles return home to build our nation, the Chin state will be the most educated state in the whole Burma. The Chin state will score the highest percentage in the can-speak English language. In every governmental department, arts, science, or humanities and governance, there will be highly educated expertise everywhere. These are great, really great. However, for the sake of throughout observation, let’s consider the reverse impact. Among the people who have exposed themselves to the outside world, there may be some who have learnt about the Chin people’s dependency on others. So, for them, there may be no way of national survival without depending on others. Although the interdependency is a must in this age, seeing the interdependency itself as more important than the Chin people’s national existence is a suicidal ideology and is completely absurd. As a result, with such dependent political mindset, the necessity of the Chin national evolutionary cause is marginalized and getting any possible social political advantage from others becomes the most surviving social political incentive. Focusing on the higher good becomes less popular than the struggle for the lower good. Nevertheless, whatever the motivating factor, as long as our people get benefit from interacting with the outside world we should count it toward our progress.

The vision thing is necessary to be revitalized in the minds of the people. Where are we going? It is time to rationalize the 1988/90’s emotional political illusion to be transformed into politically practicable path if we are to reach the end goal. What is the end goal? A democratic federal union or an independent state? If then what is the importance of the role of the people. Which is more important, to enrich the individual level capacity and ability or to maximize the massive contribution to the whole movement. According to the dependency theory, the first is far more important; for a democratic government will be some day implemented in the country with or without the massive contribution of the people. If so, it might be wiser just to move along the gradual political evolution without investing highly vulnerable resources to the movement. On the other hand, according to the revolutionary theory, it is a must, during this transitional period, to build up the Chin national foundation and contribute the most on the movement that will in return open up an opportunity to design our own national future. Because, the dependency theory entrusted the whole course of the Chin national history on others, putting our national course more vulnerable at the hand of the political evils of the surrounding people. As history has bore witness, that will potentially repeat the history. According to the western social and political thinkers, nationalism is a threat to democracy. However, within the contemporary historical context, without nationalism, democracy is a threat to the future of the Chin people. It is always dangerous to be lulled by any type of political illusion, missing the context of time and reason. Therefore, it is crucial for the Chin people, not to compromise the two essential ideological trends: democracy and national movement, for without one of these any thing will cause a great loss. Politically saying, although it may be difficult to estimate how far the Chin people are vision oriented, it is necessary for leaders of the society to post a clear national picture on the mind-screens of the people that will help them see and know where is the end goal and what is their essential part along the movement.

One day, on a downtown street, a deaf man asked a dumb lady, “Where is the Lincoln museum?” Not hearing anything back he again said, “You foolish.” Depends on one’s level of expectation, the result of our political evaluation on the recent Chin people’s political activity may be different. However, it might not be wrong to assume that the overall progress is far behind the people’s actual socio political potential, not meeting the politically and historically “must thing”. There are some, whether they have political labels or not, more active individuals in taking roles to play the course. It seems younger leaders intend to play more active role then our senior leaders from whom many of our people have dream about a magic leadership. The intention here is not to mention who does or doesn’t what but to check the motivating factors, the social political incentives. At first, the politically emotionalized massive movement of the 8888 motivated many young men and women. The uncertain promises, the AK-47, the M-16, the foreign thing, the UN, the democratic thing, and so on once were very effective to steer many young men and women up for the movement. But now, just like Shania Twain’s song that says, “So, you are rocket scientist? That doesn’t impress me much,” those factors are no longer effective motivating factors. Therefore, it is no wonder if there is no reaction from the people when someone tries to motivate them with such means. In a quest for social political incentive, it is essential to dig out the social political behavior and mental deposition of the people, for without a renewed motivation, the current social political phenomenon appear to be moving toward diverse directions without a specific end goal, leaving the key determinant factors at the hand of other people who would enjoy exploiting the best of the Chin people. You, if you are sure you can hear or see, will find some group of people or individuals socially conscious but political death, others irresponsive or socially and politically deviated. In other words, many have fallen inside the sinking boat of the history and others wondering in the middle of the sea.

What does it mean when St. Paul Said “You were death in your transgression and sin” or when an American comedian said “Some of the European countries such as Sweden, Demark, etc. are politically death.” Were there any means to make those death groups of people or nations alive? The Mizo people used to say, “If you see a death Vai on the street, say to him ‘Hei Uncle kyi, here is one thousand rupees’ and he will immediately get up and take the money.” This question must have come across one time or another in the minds of our leaders “How to motivate our people toward our national end goal?” Although a death dog cannot be made alive, a politically death people can be made alive with the expense of certain amount of social political incentive. No social scientist may have a specific answer. Even though we lack the essential answer, it is important that we are convinced that we need a renewed motivation. Unless otherwise, we will all still stay the same, the deaths in the dungeon and the cripples on the street and the go-alones go alone.

First, lets examine the basic social tenets, fragmentation and the potential means of motivating factors. Undermining these factors have had caused enormous political loss in the past history. As the Chin populations are comparatively small and segmented into several sub-sub-tribes, it is essential to be aware of such fragmented social segments when trying to mobilize the whole group. Each single segment must be included in the internal stakeholder list. Although we all agree that we are one people group, there is significant social gap among us that can have serious negative or positive impact on the movement, if we intentionally or unintentionally ignored. Some professed liberalists may hate to talk about the naked truth about the Chin people’s social settings, but it is important to keep in mind while strategically thinking/planning and while trying to eliminate the consequences of such unpleasant historical legacy in the real world. How serious is this factor. Sometimes, you may present a gold at the door of a deathly poor Chin family but unless you walk through the attached social path, you may be refused or even humiliated. On another occasion, when a white (westerner) or a man from the same social affiliation presents a brick to the same family and you will see that same family enthusiastically welcomed it. Another example, supposed, a democratic government is installed in Chinland, and a man from Hakha or Matupi or Falam is, without assimilating to the local social cultural and mental deposition, contesting for Member of Parliament at one of Tidim constituencies, how wise or good that man may be, he will not be elected. In stead, even a Tidim dog will defeat him in the contest. This must be true to other districts too. Moreover, even among one particular region there used to be multiple social segments that were important for the flow of social evils and influence. These factors are important for the internal environmental analysis to clear up the path.

Second, what are the available motivating factors? Again, this is a repeated question. As we have mentioned the importance of touching every key stakeholder, lets continue our quest for the available means of motivating factors. As mentioned above, the social affiliation and attachment is first and foremost important thing rather than any other social political or intellectual factor. In other word, the force of the social capital seems the most strongest and effective factor while other things stay formal. Therefore, canalizing the available means through the basic social segments seems the most appropriate way to further the movement. The problem here is that to canalize through various grassroots social segments, enormous resources is required. However, if it is an essential step that cannot be outrun, we still have to take the course anyhow. This social building process can have many positive side impacts along the way. As the Chin society has bore certain unpleasant memories, they can be healed through this social capital building process, at the same time, increases trust building and interdependency among the people. For example, many Chin people have been organizing themselves into different social segments in their exiled states, such as Chin communities, Zomi Inkuan, and Chin social, religous and humanitarian organizations, etc. Although politicizing these social grassroots institutions may end up negatively, they are the only valuable means to get rid of the past negative social depositions of the people. During this transitional revolutionary period, the top-down strategy may benefit only the actors at the most by deviating themselves from the whole course of national political priority. On the other hand, the bottom-up movement will at least energize the whole course action to maintain the political image of the people and restore the social force.

The earlier social political incentives, democracy, national sovereignty, patriotism, heroism, etc. have no more impressive power to motivate the people. Although the historical political necessity seems, obviously, occupying the minds of the people, one thing, for fear of the cruelty of the social evils among ourselves, many have withdrawn themselves from the scene, and another thing, for holding the dependency theory to nourish the individual level capacity they have set aside themselves from the movement. Therefore, it is necessary that our prominent social actors recognize the importance of the social reconstruction that will heal the past wounds, the sick, and motivate the politically death social groups. It may not be possible inside Burma as long as the regime plays the same role. In the exile, however, people have much better chances and means to mobilize the people through social, political, and intellectual means. Even the religious organism is helpful to heal the social wounds and to exchange means, formalizing the social environment. The good Samaritan needs to see that there are no more gangsters around the wounded travelers so that he might not fear any more to approach the wounded traveler to help.
As much as Burmese people need national reconciliation, the Chin people, for the sake of carrying the contemporary historical challenges, need social reconstruction and social political pollution control.

At the political stage, any aggressive or intrusive dance among different social groups will produce a collateral damage, repeating the same mistake again and again until nothing is left to loss. Although it may not be hard as much as to reprogram the regime leaders’ political mindset, revitalizing the Chin people’s social political incentive will have to consume time and resources. However, if there is will there is way. The younger generation will one day possess intellectual capacity to jump out of the traditional box and be released from the political fear psyche and promote at least something to clear the polluted social political environment. The older leaders, on the other hand, will have to try to motivate younger leaders by any means instead of trying to hold their political labels from their eroding status quo and at the worst, showing negative political gesture to the upcoming younger leaders. The political gesture of the older leaders is important. Because, the minds of the individuals are dominant by their social affiliation and not free to make their own decision until they are shown a positive gesture from their mentors. Therefore, the gravity of the individual for social political decision-making is almost always centered on their respective mentors/leaders. It is assumable that our older leaders are positive about the younger generation and willing to assist to develop leadership quality, by showing the social political incentive opened to them, so that they themselves will be released from their undone historical national burdens of their own time. Although ideas without action may be as good as a death dog or hope without initiative a death man’s pray, action without idea and hope is deathly dangerous. Let all sojourners be open to share each others’ hope and idea, so we, at minimum stage, entertain each other and, at the most, move ourselves and others toward the end goal, while leaving no friend behind.

Will There Be Real Political Transition in Burma

2007-08-18T16:25:00.000-05:00

WILL THERE BE A REAL TRANSITION

February 2002
This article analyzes the potential political transition in Burma, balancing the strength of the military regime and the opposition and other available factors related to the Burma political transition. The regime change is unlikely to take place soon, while the only potential transition would be political transformation monitored by the regime when the opposition would be willing to compromise and agree the exit guarantees for the army personal with adequate political role in the future government.

After more than a decade struggle, there has been no clue to overthrow the military government and it has been an open guess about what kind of political transition would take place in Burma. The military government's first political distraction plan, the multi-party national election of 1990, deceived and misled many of the democratic activists and supporters. The second strategy, the so-called covert dialogue has been taking place since October 2000 which also the military government's an effective political strategy to persuade the international communities and distract democratic activists from the political hot spot. There still remains unknown, how the political transition is going to take place in Burma and what kind of change would be.

The enthusiastic student activists have been dispersed throughout the world and fragmented into multiple parties and organizations and some even have become professionals. The future of the exiled government run by the 1990 MP-elects is uncertain while its political approach has been ineffective, not enough to overthrow the military government. The international community's attitude toward the Burma military govt. has been moderated by the military government's subtle way of dealing with the ethnic insurgencies, the so called "Armed Peace," and “Self Administered Zone” strategy, its covert talk with the opposition leader Daw Suu, and by its release of some political prisoners. Where is the future of Burma political transition?

Compared to the immediate student force after 1988, the strength of Burma student activists has been dispersed into many different parties and organizations around the world. Many ethnic insurgencies have been negotiated with the military government; even one of the strongest groups, Kachin Independent Organization (KIO) has been under cease-fire. The KNU faced the unusual internal faction and unpleasant fortune. There is no enough military power among armed force groups to overthrow the military govt. while international community such as the US wouldn't intervene militarily. Therefore, almost all of the armed struggles in Burma have been cracked down by the military government by one way or the other.

The importance of Burma in the Asia regional politics has been increasing especially among the Asian super powers, China, India and Japan. China, who shares similar fortune with Burma in cracking down student activists and accuse of human rights violation, seems willing to protect Burma military government if necessary. China has been economically and militarily the backbone of Burma especially after 1990 and after the collapse of the Burma Communist Movement. China's role for Burma political transition is very importance, not only as regional powerful country but also as a veto power in the UN, without the consent of China the United Nations is unlikely to be able to do anything effectively against Burma. The UN envoys and delegates' intervention will simply publicize the regime's political deals and give the regime a chance to justify its legitimacy as though it intends a real political transition from military regime government to civilian government.

India, with its internal problems in northeastern insurgencies and with fear and jealous of China's advantage in relation with Burma, has been making a positive gesture and deal with the Burma military government. Burmese and Indian soldiers have made several joint operations along the Indo-Burma border against the ethnic insurgencies in India and democratic fighters from Burma, which shows their military relationship. India has been enthusiastic in building border trade road even inside Burma through Moreh in Maipur State and Champhai in Mizoram State of India. Thus, India's contribution to the progress of Burma democratization is unlikely to weaken the regime government rather it has been militarily and economically strengthened by India's constructive engagement with the regime government.

At the same time, Japan, not willing to let Burma become China's controlled market, has been engaging with the military government with humanitarian assistance. While Thailand, traditionally inconvenient neighbor, has no much interest in Burma internal politics, except its domestic problems created by Burmese refugees in Thailand. Singapore has been one of the most supportive countries to the military government, without much concern for the Burma internal politics as a faithful neighbor in holding "the no interference to others' domestic problems and peaceful co-existence policy." Therefore, there is no enough political pressure from Asian neighboring countries that might contribute for the sooner political transition of Burma from military rule to civilian government. Not only that without the corporation of the Asian neighboring countries it is unlikely possible to give an effective pressure on the regime government by means of economic sanction.

The Asian regional organizations ASIAN, APEC and ADB are much less institutionalized and politicized than the western regional organizations such as NATO, though they embody both economic and military agreements. Their constructive dealing with the military government will only, within limited capacity, help to liberalize the military government. Therefore, within the regional context, the Burma military government has no potential threat both politically and economically without which the western pressure wouldn't able to effectively move the military government.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, being a non-violent democratic activist leader, without any public information about her covert deal with the Military government since 2000, has to liberalize her stand for a persuasive manner as the only possible way to compromise for the sake of the common cause, political transition. As public has been excluded from politics for more than 4 decades, the role of civil society for the potential political transition is negligible at this time. So that there seems no clue that the like 1988 civil disobedient is likely to take place to overthrow the military government. While unlike some countries' political transformation from military regime to civilian government, the Burma military government will not voluntarily give up political power and return to its professional barracks. Because, Burma military regime, unlike Argentina, Greece, and Panama, after four decades experience, is unlikely to collapse by itself very soon.

After having experienced the 1988 massacre, civil disobedient is unlikely to take place, though it can happen at any time, for the military government has proven its brutal oppression to any civil disobedient. Moreover, there seems no sign for fraction within the army in the near future as the internal cleansing has been taking place. The Burmese government, as one of the world's most brutal regime, in spite of its citizen’s economic starvation, will not give up power for economic reason. Therefore, it may not be wrong to say that there is no balanced political power to overthrow the military government and replace it with civil government at this time.

Generally, many countries' political transitions from dictatorship, monarchy, and military regime to civil government used to take place when there is internal collapse within the regime, balanced political power in the opposition side, and when there is international/outside intervention, while the political strength of the Burma military regime has been even better than the earlier movement since 1988. After the experience of public disapprove since 1988, like most of the world's regime governments, the current Burma military regime does not claim legitimate political role, rather it has been playing games to legitimize the military's political role based on their claim for nationalism, national peace and security. While the regime is unlikely voluntarily to give up political power and return to its professional barrack, the only potential transition is transformation in which the military regime will monitor and design the future government with exit guarantees for military personals. Otherwise, "people power" the mass mobilization of outraged citizens is necessary as the only power to forcefully demand the regime political transition.

It has been obvious to the regime that among the people of Burma, there is no ideological confusion over democracy and dictatorship. The regime has stopped to impugn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her democratic ideology, on the other hand, it has been trying to influence the people with its nationalism, anti-colonialism, anti-westernism and with the importance of the military's historic political role in Burma politics for the peace and security of the people. The military leaders' understanding of democracy within Burmese social cultural and political context is much different from that of the western democracy. Besides power competition, there exist incompatible ideological differences between the military leaders and the opposition. Therefore, while there has been no balanced political power between the regime government and the opposition only when there is a compromise from the opposition, the regime government is likely to proceed its political transformation, not replacement, in which body both the military leaders and the opposition will share power.

Chin Mi Pawl Ramthu Fehpi Dan

2007-08-18T16:21:00.001-05:00

Chinmi Pawlin Ram Thu an Fehpi Mi Ruahnak Pawl

Date: Fri Apr 13, 2001 2:00 pm

(Chin People’s Contemporary Political Ideologies, 1988-2001)

Kan dunglam kumkul sung ahhin Chinmi pawl hmundang le ramdangah fehsuakin
khualtlawng vaktawi, cangvaihnak a phunphun tuan le cazir sang an tam aw vivo. Harsatnak tampi karlakah, khuahlan nun hnak cun theihnak, ruahnak le neihnak khalah an tthangso ngaingai. 1988 ihsi thawkin Chin mipi pawlin Ram Uknak thu ah an fehpi miruahnak (Political Ideologies) a bang aw lo mi a um hnuaihni. Cu pawl lakah a lardeuhdeuh pawl cu: 1) Democracy, 2) Miphun Mahte Rorel theinak (Nationalismor Self Determination), 3) Kawl Hngotsan ih hmalaknak (Constructiveengagement), le 4) Chin Hnahthalk Zawm Awksalnak (Irredentism) pawl hi atlangpi thu in an si. Hi ruahnak pawl hi hmun tampi ah an bawm aw zet veknan khatlamah an kalh awknak tampi a um ih Chin miphun dothlennak lamzin zawh in cakzetin feh thei lo dingin daltu ah a cang. Chin mi lakah lungrual ten hma laknak a um thei lonak bik pakhat cu zapi hngat awknak ruahnak hngetkhoh (strong and compelling Ideology) a um lo ruangah a si.1) Democracy:Kawlram kumpi zalennak a hmuh thawk ihsin Chin mi pawl ih ruahsanmi uk awknak cu Mipi thuneihnak (Democracy) a rak si. 1988 ihsin tlawngta le mipi in 1962 ih a thawkmi kawl ralkap uknak an duh nawn lonak an langter, Chin pawlin Democracy an duhnak thu nasa zetin langter a si. Asinan 1988 ih tlawngta le mino pawl hrekkhat cu dothlenak tuah thawk a si tikah Democracy hnakin Miphun Rorelnak (Nationalism-self determination)thupi sawn ah retin Democracy uknak hnuaiah Mahte Miphun Rorelnak nei theidingin an rak fehpi. Mipi tampi cu ramsung ah umin uknak thleng awk ding cuhngak cio a si. 1990 kum mipi hril awknak ah Chin mipi pawl in democracy anduhsawn zia zalen zetin an langter. Mipi tamswn thinlungah Democracy ( mipithuneihnak) cu ruahsan mi a si. Kawl ralkap pawlin 1990 ih mipi hrilmikutah thuneihnak a pek lo tikah Democracy hril awknak ah a rak zuamtu pawl(party) hotu le sungtel mi tampi ramleng ah an tlan ih Democracy ngah thei nak ding hrangah thei tawk cio an zuam. Democracy hrang zuamnak ih tumtahmi cu kawlram uknak thlengih mipi thuneihnak (Democracy) uknakin ram hruai ding a si.(2). Miphun Lalnak (Nationalism vs Self-determination)Ram Dinkhawm Kawlram kumpi zalennak a hmuh thawk ihsin Chin mi pawl miphunpumkhat sinak lamah tampi hma an sawn. Miphun ni tiang rak hman thawk asi.1962 ihsin kawl ralkap pawlin ram uknak thuneihnak an lakih mipi zalennak ansiatsuah tikah Chin upa le thuruat thiam, pumpe hrakkhat pawlin Chin miphunin thuneihnak, mahte rorelnak a neihsal theinak dingah an rak zuam. Asinan1988 hnu lam ih Miphun hrang cangvaihnak hi kawl pawl thawn kan kawm awk hnuah a langsar bik dothlennak asi. 1988 ih Democracy hrang a rak do tu mitampi cu ramhnuai le ramlengah kawl ralkap kumpi do in dothlennak tuah asi. Dothlennnak tuah tikah Democracy hnakin Miphun Mahte Rorelnak (Nationalself determination) a thupi sawnah ruatin hmalak asi. Miphun Rorelnak hrangcangvaihnak khal hi a falih cangvaihnak si loin Democracy hrang cangvaihnakthawn a cawhpawlh, cemcih asi fawn. Miphun pakhat sinak ah Chin mipi cu lungrual in a lang ko nan peng le ramthen lak ah siseh henchman tete lakah siseh pawlkawm awknak tthat lo ruangah le ruahnak hngat awknak bulba neih lo ruangah mipi huap thei tu pawl (party) pakhat hman a um thei lo. Mi zo khalin Chin miphun pumkhat sinak thin lung an nei cio in a lang ko nan thleidan awknak le mai peng le mai henchman misa duhsak awknak thinlungput (tribal mindsets) pawlin lungrualnak nasa ten a siatsuah fawn. A tawizawngin sim asile Chin miphun pawl hin miphun pitling pakaht si in mahte rorelnak, uk awknak nei thei dingin Chin miphun sung lala ah pumkhat sinak, rin awknak ngaingai a um hrih loin a lang. Cuti3) Kawl Hngotsan ih hmalaknak (Constructive engagement)Ramsungah ruahdan pakhat mi hrekkhatin an hngat awknak cu kawl mipi thawnziangtik lai khalah pawl kawm aw in hma laknak neih asi. Hril awknak le ramtthansohnak thu khalah kawl pawl thawn ttangrualin hmalak a si. Mahte miphunrorelnak le thuneihnak hrang si loin kawl pawl thawn hma la thlangin kawlhotu pawlin in lungkim pi tawk Chin miphun hrang khalah ziangkim canvo neive ding asi. Political party din tikah khalah kawl pawl thawn zawm aw aw in hnatuan asi. 4) Chin Hnahthlak Zawm Awksalnak (Irredentism)Chin miphun cu India, Kawlram, le Bangladesh ah a hranhranah tthentthek in asi vekin mi hrekkhat pawl cu kom khawm awksalnak ding hrang hma an la ih annawr. Cumi cu ramkulh hranhran ah a tthen aw mi Chin hnahthlak pawl komkhawm aw salin mahte uk awknak, a zalenmi ram din a silole kawlram maw Indiamaw pakhatkhat sawn ah kawm ding a si.Khaikhawmnak tawite:1) Democracy:Chinmi pawlin Democracy hrang cangvaihnak neihmi pawl hi kawlram sung miphumkimin ralkap uknak kan duh loih Democracy kan duh a si ti langternak le mahte mai miphun thuneihnak lamzin sialnak hrangah siseh kawlram miphun dang pawl thawn hnatuan tlannak ah siseh leitlun ramtin hnenah politics cangvaihnak hrangah atha. Asinan kan Chin mipi in kan tul mi le duhmi, Chin miphun mahte rorel le thuneih nak, mahte uk awknak thawn khaikhawm tikah Democracy uk awknak cuhmanrua pakhat vekin hmuh thiam a thupi. Democracy kan ngah tikah cun tui ralkap uknak hnak cun tampi hmasawnnak le zalennak a um ding ti cu a fiang. Asinan ziangvek Democracy kan hmang ding timi parah kan Chinmi pawl in ziangvek le ziangtluk tthathnemnak le zalennak kan nei ve ding ti mi a tthum aw. Chinmi pawl duhthusam kim thei dingin Chinmi lala induhnak ausuahpi ngam a ttul. Chinmi pawlin ausuahpi nak um loin kawlpawlinkan duhthusam in pe ding tiah ruahsannak cu zunmang vekfang asi. Mimal lepawlmal hlawknak bak miphun pumhuap in zalennak, rorel theinak letthasohankah hma lak theinak ngaingai nei dingin Chinmi thotho in ausuah pingam a ttul. Cutikah pawlmal (party) pakhatkhat thurin ruang ah maw party aiawh ih hril mi MP pahnih khat duhnak men in Chin mipi duhthusam cu kawl hruaitu pawlin an pitlinter lo ding ti cu a fiang. Curuangah Democracy a si khal le Chinmi hruaitu le mipi auaw pakhat ten duhthusam fehpi ngam a ttul. Chin miphun in kan duh mi le duhthusam hmu thei dingin chin mipi auaw cu burkhat le aw khat ten ausuah le dinpi a tul. 2) Mahte Miphun Rorelnak (Nationalism vs Self Determination)Leitlun ramtinah miphun tampi cu Mahte Miphun Rorelnak (Nationalism) hrangan cangvaihnakin miphum dang le ramdang uknak kuthnuai ihsin a zalenmi ansi. Miphun thuanthu ruahnak tel loin democracy ruahsannak ah hngat awknak cusanthar san ih pawmzua ruahnak le a awlsam zawngih a ruat thiamtu pawlhrang ahcun a ttha zet. Ziangah tile kum zabi 21 hnakah kan thleng zoih ramhnget khoh cia le uktu can a cang tu pawl in Miphun thliarhran awknak(Nationalism) hi democracy dotu a si an tiih anmai lalnak le uknak ram ahnaihnawk thei ruangah an duh lo. Cutikah ram hnget khoh zo le uktu can cangtu miphun pawl hin Miphun thliarhran awknak (Nationalism) hi an do bik mipakhat asi. Asinan Chin miphun pawl hin Mahte miphun rorelnak le thuneihnak hrang a suallo asile Chinmi hrang hmakhua cu kawl pawl kutah a ummihkawl pawlin ttha an ti tawk fang, in zangfahzat fang Chin mipi in a co tawk a si a ding.
Miphun rorelnak hrang hlawmkhawm in cangvaihnak (national movement) lawng hi Chin mipi duhthusam lam hmuh thei tu ding umsun asi. Mahte mimal maw pawlmal in maw kawl pawl thawn cabuai parah rorel tlangnak cu mimal le pawlmal hrang ahcun tampihlawknak a um thei nan miphun pum huap in kan zoh asile miphum zapihmalaknak dal tu asi tikah miphun thuanthu ke phet tu ah a cang.Cun Chin mipi lakah peng hranhran le ttong hranhran hman a si tikah pawl(party) pakhat sungah hma laknak um thei lo hman sehla zo cio khal Chinmiphun zapi huapin ziangtin auaw (voice) pakhat kan suah thei ding ti mi himiphun hrang a ruat tu cun a ruat ding hrimhrim asi.3) Kawl Hngotsan ih hmalaknak (Engagement)Kawlpawl thawn kawp awin miphun hrang cangvaihnak hi khatlamah tthatnaktampi a um rualrualin khatlamah miphun thuanthu a tibalhnak a um. Kawl upa pawl thawn hmalak tlang tikah tampi theihnak, neihnak le canvo ttha mimal lepawlmal hrangah a um thei. Asinan khatlamah miphun hlawmkhawmnak le miphunmahte rorelnak lam zoh tik ahcun mimal, pawlmal in kawl pawl thawn hmalak tlangnak cun Chin miphun zapi te hmasawnnak (national movement) lamzin kalh tu asi thei. Miphun Mahte Rorelnak titikah kawlpawl dodalin zalennak (total independent) sual ding tinak si loin Chin miphun pawlin mahte thuanthu kilkhawi, kenkawh thei le duhthusam in than sohnak hrang hma la tlang thei dingin le Chin mipi lungawinak hrang zalenzetin tuan thei dingin a zalenmi ukanak sawn asi. Cutin asiruangah kawl pawl thawn kawp aw in hnatuan tikah Chin miphun hlawm awknak le pumkhat sinak hi a thupi bik ah ret ringring in cumi bawm tu le Chin mipi zapi duhnak pitling thei nak ding kalh tu zianghman zohman in tuahlo a tha.

4) Chin Hnahthlak Zawm Awksalnak (Irredentism)Leitlun hmun tampi le miphun tenau tampi cu miphun tam deuh le tum deuh pawluknak hnuaiah tthendarh in an umih miphun finkhawm salnak hrangah an sualbuairero. Cu lakah Chin miphun khal India, Kawlram le Bangladesh ah tthendarhin kan um tikah upa le khuaruat thiam hrekkhat cun Chin miphun finkhawmawksalnak le Mahte Miphun Rorelnak hrangah hma an la ih an zuam rero. Zo ciokhalin Chin miphun hnahthlak hmuahhmuah pumkhat kan si ti thinlung kenginhmunkhat le ramkhatah mahte rorel thei ding cu thinlung duhthusam cio a siko ding. A tufangah himi a harsatnak pakhat cu leitlun ram tampi (International )theihpi le pawmpi mi ramririn remsal hi thil har ngaingai asi. Cuibakah kanChin miphun lakah auaw pakhat rualran ten suah thei mi kan nei lo. A harruangah tuah lo ding tinak si loin tulai fang dinhmunah kan miphun thuanthuin a fehpi rero lai mi zoh tikah ziangvek hlawknak a umih ziangvekhlawklonak a um, ziangvek tum tahnak pawl hi pitlin theih asi ti zoh thiam a ttul.Atufang dinhmunah Chin mipi in ziangvek hmanrua (socio political capital) kan nei ih ziangvek hrangah kan hman tikah kan miphun thuanthu a tuah tha bik dingih Chin mipi lung a awi bik ding tiah ruat thiam a tul. Nikhat nini ah Chin miphun nu le pa pohpoh in "Chin hnahthak pohpoh cu ka fa lena si" an ti thei tikah, Chinmi fala le tlangval pawlin "Chin hnahthlakpohpoh cu ka unau, ka farnu, ka ttapa na si" an ti thei tikah, canpual (public opportunity) zem awk tikah a naute sawn in "ka u, nangsawn siseh" an ti ih a upa sawn in ":Ka nau, nangswn siseh" an ti thei tikah, thiehnak a karzai vivo dingih ruahnak mulemal nei lo ttansan nawn loin upa le a thei deuhdeuh le ruahnak ttha sawnsawn "Amen" kan titlangthei tikah, neihnak tla a karh vivo dingih "Nang ei hmaisa aw" kan ti awk theitikah, miphun siatnak a tuah tu cu kan zaten ralah retin tthatnak a tuahtucu zokhalin cawimawi tlang vialvo a si tikah, upa le nu le pa in nauhak pawltthasohnak an ruatih naute deuhin upa pawl ruahnak ttha ttha an lak theitikah, Chin miphun hrangah Pathian in lungawinak ni a khawkhan mi cu kan hmuleh ko ding. Hmuntin ramtinah mi mithmai zoh in mi hnen um, hlawhfa,siahhlawh a tttuan rero tu pawl lungawi ten mai ram, mai inn, mai khua ah,mai thisen pi pawl thawn hla sak tlangin lungawinak thu an ruah aw leh ding.Cutikah mualphoza in miphun dang hnattuan duh lo mi ttuan in le mai tum lo pi hrehcingin thuphan phuah cawp rel rero khal a ttul nawn lo ding. Cutikah zo ciokhal an thinlung hma a dam dingih mithmai pan ten fala le tlangval hmeltthattha in kan ram cu an ceimawi dingih kan miphun thuanthu cu kilkhawi leceimawi a si ding. Cuticun kan miphun Pathian khal kawakawa asi dingihkan miphun khal cawisan asi ding. Tui kan tonmi cio cu khuahlan thuanthu ruahvekin tesin fapawlin an run sim leh sawn ding. Tesinfa pawlin thuanthu mawite sim ding anneih theinak dingah a tuih mino le tthalai, nu le pa pawlin thinlung,thazang le neihnak sengin nan ttuan rero lai mi cu miphun thuanthu ro khawlrero nan si. Inn pi hram cu a bul (founation) bun rero lai asi ih kan pupa pawl hram rak toh cia mi parah tuisan minung pawlin kan miphun thuanthu hram kan ttoh timi parah kan tesinfa pawl an leng lai ding. Lungawi;

:“Mi zo khalin an thin lung cio ah ‘thiltha’ tiah ruah mi an nei cio, asinan thilthabik cu zapi hnenah theihter asi ringring lo.”

:”’Thiltha sathliah’ cu thilthabik dodaltu a rak si theu ti hi mi tampi in thei hai sehla thilthabik le mi zapi lungawinak sawn hi tuan an duh cio ding nan.”

Chin Mi Pawl Ramthu Fehpi Dan

2007-08-18T16:21:00.000-05:00

Chinmi Pawlin Ram Thu an Fehpi Mi Ruahnak Pawl

Chin Political Culture

2007-08-18T16:20:00.000-05:00

Chin Political Culture

March 2002

Abstract: This article analyzes the basic tenets and channels of social and political influence and balances the negative and positive impacts on the evolution of social and political culture that hinder/contribute to the progress of a democratic society in the Chin Society.

In every society, people live with their own traditional and cultural heritage, even the American society made-up of immigrants has its own socio-political culture which some scholars claim as post-culture culture or post-churchianity culture. With its immature intellectual and social evolution, Chin society, which is based on region, clans, type and language, has its own social political culture. Due to lack of communication and transportation facilities, for most of the Chin people, social touches, intellectual exchanges and influences among Chins are limited within one's own region and community. The basic key social and political realities of life are kinship group and clan, which necessarily made personal ties as the basic channels of power and influence. Hence, in order to make up a democratic Chin society, Chin people need to be intellectually enlightened and politically informed, yet a prototype of society can be established throughout its progress of social cultural evolution.

Prior to the British colonization, Chin people have had a Greek City states style of democracy, that, in a comparative description of the system, is oligarchy, ruled by small group of people, families or chiefs of the respective clans. During the British rule, having special advantages in the society, most of the ruling clans' children got a better education and opportunities for promotions and were granted a higher social esteem. The people's social political culture was clannish, rather than rational and ideological concentration and commitment. As land ownership was the main source of income, the British feudal type of chieftainship encouraged clan based social cultural environment in human relation within the society. The Chin political culture has always been masculine, however women's evening tete-a-tete used to be very influential to even the strongest warriors. So that though Chin society seems remaining as patriarchal, in real life many families are matriarchal.

Physically and politically, Chin people have stopped tribal wars since the British colonization more than one century ago. However, as I mentioned above, due to lack of social and intellectual exchanges, the barriers between one type and the other has not yet been made smooth. Of course, the language barrier will always remain as the basic classification of the segment of the society among Chin people. For example, a man from Tidim will hardly be elected as the people's representative from Thlantlang Township and vice versa. Moreover, the problem of identity is one of the most obstacles to normalize people's culture and understanding, regardless to region and type of one's origin. There is still very strong resistance among Chin people to normalization of types and identity. Therefore, any political or social strategy that neglects the above social cultural tenets and distances will always face factionalism and fragmentation sooner or latter.

At this time, Clanism is no longer discriminative but divisive among the people as a whole for Chin political culture, and in the social grassroots level, it still exists as segments of the society. It, however, is still effective for political influence and building up social relation as one's social base. The ethnical distance between one type and another is largely entitled by language, history and specified territory that made each type in the form of mini-ethnic group. Therefore, the basic component of Chin ethnicity is unique. Politicians and social campaigners/actors always mobilized these social tenets and elements for the channel of influence and power. As Chin society is not strongly rooted on commitment on any particular ideology that any respectable person among the respective clan group and segment of community can easily mobilize the people to any specific direction.

Like Prophet Muhammad of Arab Islamic religious founder who married at least nine times, many Chin leaders' marriages were once so political, especially during tribal wars. In spite of the importance of personal ties, except few individuals, marriage is no longer political in Chin society. However, personal relationship by clan, kinship, friendship and loyalty plays as the key importance channels of power and influence. It is because, in one way, intellectual and rational immaturity among Chin peoples, on the other hand, it can be assumed as the result of lack of communication and education. Consequently, power and politics is personalized while the flow of rational based political evolution is obstructed. This is also true to the political culture of the whole Burma. The social and political crack makes people keep reserve in their human relations among Chins. There is always reluctance to openness and corporation to be unified as one political unit, on the other hand, it also creates political intolerance of dissent. Therefore, self withdrawal, factionalism and fragmentation always exist among Chin people.

Though Chin people are not religious extremists like Talibans of Afghanistan or Islamic Jihad, in one way, religious groups and denominations are politicized at least some extend. Especially in the exiled Chin community, religion and nationalism are compromised not only for religious activity but also for social and political advantages as channel of influence and power. Religion is the best segment through which all Chins can join their souls together without much attention to diversity and identity. However, religious and social means are politicized for building up social esteem and personal ties. The breakaways of these religious and social segments are not exclusively based on dogma and ideology, rather theses fragmentation are the result of personal ties and personalized politics.

The misconception of leadership and its legitimacy among Chin people, descended down from the oligarchy system of the pre-British colonization, the feudal chieftainship system of the British colonizers, and the four decades long authoritarian rule of the Burmese military regime, is destructive to unity movement. Generally, people regarded leadership as a status quo rather than a functional position. The relationship between leader and audience has always been top-down rather than bottom-up in Chin society, subordinating rather than responsive. In such away, submission to leadership has been involuntary which made people reluctant or indecisive to voluntarily submission to the leadership of the social political community, when trying to form a democratic model society. Although Chin people's political behavior is traditionally obedient and submissive, not rebellious, to the leadership of the communitarian society, the undemocratic flow of the societal evolution and the collapse of the traditional structures of the Chin society under the military dictatorship make many Chins confuse over their part of participation in the society. Traditionally, the concept of the legitimacy of leadership was very materialistic and humanitarian, which needed to be rationalized in order to transform the society to a democratic type. In order to rationalized people's perceptions and decision-makings they need to be politically informed and intellectually enlightened. Therefore, in order to let the people think democratically, the whole system of human relation is needed to be transformed.

People should have a self-directing and self-organizing thought within a democratic or self-governing society, which is free from pressure or undue influence. The authentic thought system is necessary for personal growth toward a democratic thinking as much as the existence of the opposite idea is importance to have a healthy democracy. People should be free to think whatever they will without fear and direct their thoughts whatever one thinks good for the society without fear of reaction or feedback. This must be practiced for a healthy growth of the society toward a mature democracy. However, like many conservative societies around the world, the expression of idea that may offenses or marginalizes the existing norms and practices is oppressed within the Chin hierarchical society that usually results self withdrawal and nonparticipation and fail to cultivate and improve the mind of the people. For the sake of healthy growth and development, both the systems of thought and hierarchical order must be transformed to a free and open society, which will eventually encourage people to think democratically and contribute a collective and constructive ideas and efforts.

Therefore, for the transformation of the whole system of Chin political culture, as social structure strongly influences the political process, the basic sinews of the social system need a rapid evolutionary growth. Political parties and social organizations that are perceived by people as amalgamations of individuals bound together by a multiplicity of different personal and clannish ties should be transformed into all-pervasive organizational structure of ideological commitment. So that, as informal and nonassociational-group polities are dominant in the Chin society, the pattern of family tenacity and ideological malleability will also prevail for the establishment of a fair and healthy democratic society. Thought it may not sound possible at this time, as time goes by, each individual has responsibility to contribute his/her idea and effort for the future better and healthy society of the Chin people. Then, the social and political evils will be minimized and eliminated, and mutual social political corporation will come to prevail without historical and social distance for the dignity and survival of the Chin.

The Mizo Society and its Internal Perils

2007-08-18T16:19:00.000-05:00

The Mizo Society and Its Internal Perils
Hre Mang, August 2003

The Mizo society, obviously, is one of the fastest growing societies around the world in this century. However, due to the limitation of its socio-economic development and imbalanced growth, there are certain societal perils that are dangerous to its own gradual and healthy growth. The Mizo society’s access to the outside world is limited by its geographical setting and limited transpiration means which is important to broaden the general mindsets of the people and the progress of civilization. As a result, there is lack of essential social adventure among the Mizo people. Just like the product of a concentrated society, instead of promoting a democratic social principles and creating an opened society for its own people and the friendly neighborhoods, it becomes a racially protective and defensive society. Fearing self-annihilation while there is no such substantial social threat. Economically, its dependency on the central government of India and lack of its self-reliance long-term economic policy, there is an obvious psychological inconveniency and future uncertainty. At the worst, many people live in fear, fear of sins, crime, and economic insufficiency.

As the Mizo society already celebrated Christian centenary, the primitive traditional practices have been transformed into a modern Christian culture mostly adopted from the western life styles and social norms. Not only Christianity had helped the progress of social cultural evolution in the Mizo society, but also the fast growing literacy rate has broadened the Mizo perspective and fastens the progress of the Mizo civilization. Moreover, the struggle for its national survival brought the people together under one socio-political psycho, moving toward the goal of one people-one nation even under the rule of the central government of India. It can be also assumed that the grassroots level structure of the Mizo society is one of the best among the people groups around the Indo-Burma border, that every single individual in the society has chance and opportunity to get involve in the community based social activity to promote the cause of the common good. Some participate in church activities as most of the citizens are Christians, while other may get involve in any of the community based organizations, such as the Mizo Young Men Association, Mizo Hmeiche Insuihkhawm (MHIP-Mizo Women Association), Mizoram Upa Pawl (Mizo elders organization), etc. etc. Therefore, the societal structure allows a systematic social development for its citizens. However, the other side of the societal scenario is that the society has a nature of group behaving instead of a common social force contributed by individualized participation which result is unregulated mod-rule that usually goes beyond social necessity when reacting to any common conflicts in the society. That is also dangerous to a systematic and rationalized social cultural evolution of the society. Such kind of mod activities has been often seen in different parts of India too.

The Mizos are very much-socialized people that wherever four or five Mizos live together outside the Mizoram, they could, may be always, reach a common ground where they can socially do something together. They are more communitarian than individualistic. One of the negative aspects of the Mizo society is that due to lack of access to the outside world, especially who have been born and brought up within the Mizoram state, there is lack of understanding about the multiculturalism and fortune sharing with other fellow human societies. However, there is the top class of people in the society those who have intellectually and rationally comprehended well all the said social cultural issues and inter-personal relation with the outsiders. Secondly, there is also a class of people in the bottom of the society. They have a very limited access to the benefit of the Mizoram statehood and they are pretty much still living in the primitive life style, except a few socially superficial transformation. For example, those people in the rural areas finding their way of life from a traditional sifting cultivation, they still are abode by the Mizo traditional philosophy of life. Thirdly, there is a middle social class. Those people in the middle class are the most unsatisfied people with unhealthy psychological curiosity. They learned what their neighbors enjoy from the current social and political system but not able to access it’s fat. These are the people that the Mizo society should take care of by upgrading the current system.

As a young society, there is imbalanced growth in several areas. The time of the first priority of the society-quantitative education-is now past and the system should be upgraded to produce a qualitative education and a healthy social learning environment. The government’s political ideology, that relaxed the people from the previous war and tragedy caused by the national revolution movement, has reached time to be transformed into a longtime political planning and political capital investment. The time has come to move the people’s political attitude from a defensive and protective to an altruistic political behavior, removing all psychological fears in the minds of the people to create a healthy and peaceful environment for the birth of a peaceful social phenomenon. Unless otherwise the Mizo society takes this step, the people’s current psychological inconveniency will grow up to reach a chaotic social political environment.

The recent exposure of the Mizo mod-behavior against the so-called foreigners portrays the inner societal sickness. The Mod disapproved the current ruling government and made if ashamed of its own sovereignty and rule. The Mod also expressed its primitive anarchic behavior. Overall, it made the whole society as ugly as no better than that of the primitive unregulated mod rule. As much as the accused rapist put the whole population of the exiled Burmese citizens under troubled, the Mizo mod put its own ruling government ashamed of its power and sovereignty, and made the whole society as ugly as stated above. Moreover, the overall scenario shows the current system failure of the Mizo social and political structure and a potential threat to the gradual healthy growth of the Mizo society. Therefore, it is time that the Mizo people revise their own socio political and economic structure to meet the growing demand of the society without which the potential social threat within itself is imminent and certain.

Chin National Reconciliation

2007-08-18T16:14:00.000-05:00

CHIN NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

Hre Mang
September 2004
Brief Note: Political Review

The recent political development within the Chin exile groups has been positive and progressive, although the level of growth may be slower then some have expected. Just like any other society around the world, the Chin society has been undergoing painful political processes under the pressure of the Burma military regime as well as within its own political realm of the attempt to overthrow the dictatorship. Moreover, its struggle for societal transformation from traditional social order to a new form of semi-modern social civic political system also delayed by the oppressive rule of the Burmese regime and due to unpleasant socio economic situation. Among the social political actors, it seems, democratic values and principles begin to play role in underlining the principles of political associations and in inter-ethnic human relation, significantly portrayed by the recent formation of the PAC, which was formed and announced during the last Chin Consensus Building, organized by CNF in April 2004. That gives a positive signal to prevent the future potential societal conflicts as the result of the past painful incidents. In addition, there is much more to recommend to faster the move and prevent any potential reoccurrence of negative political setback and grievances.

Inside Burma, the people have no freedom to associate and collectively act to advance the social political as well as economic development, while the exiles in outside Burma have much more chances and opportunities to do so. In my last article, “How to Motivate Chin People” I recommended social mobilization as the best option and essential means to have impact for the social healing and national integration. Among the exile groups, the social movement has been significant with a great chance of further development. The social organizations, such as the Zomi Inkuan, The Chin Communities, the Falam Union, the Chin Youth Organization, the Zomi Student Group, and Christian Churches, to name a few, are important societal elements to increase social capital and in forming collective norms and forms. For example, the Chin Community of USA (Of the Halkha speaking groups) has conducted “Lai Seminar” every year in the United States to celebrate and promote God’s blessing as a group of people who share human heritages. Likewise, the Chin Community of the Falam speaking group has been celebrating the Chin New Year Festival ever year in the United States during the time of the American people’s Thanksgiving that used to take place in the month of November. Likewise, the local based social organizations around the world wherever Chins are present do the same or similar festivities and social events, whether it is a social or religious one that equally raises essential social capitals. The Zomi Inkuan, I belief, also has potential to raise enough social capital to promote more social events and activities. Not only social issues, but also these social organizations can contribute invaluable social political capital toward national political and social development and national integration. For example, the Zomi Inkuan did a very good job during the time of the conflict between CNF and the Tidim area local citizens. The Zomi Inkuan warned the CNF leaders not to kill any innocent citizen, at the same time prevented some of the young Zomis not to take counter-revolution against the CNF, which would eventually result a similar kind of Kuki-Paite inter ethnic war or the Kuki-Naga war, otherwise. Unlike the humble request of the 15 ex-CNF members (Of Falam young men) to CNF to release Fung Than Hlir, a theological student, who was recruited by force and for whom the both parents were crying, the CNF seemed paying a better and serious attention to ZOmi Inkuan. In many more ways, these social organizations can also intervene and contribute constructive means to the whole national cause. So that, if these social capitals that have been raised through the social mobilization and organizations are effectively and skillfully converted to national political capital, this will enhance the national integration, solidarity and the cohesiveness of our society as history demanded. The internal segmentation of the social units based on our ethnic setting is by no means to misunderstood as a sign of disunity or otherwise. There are houses that are built with big stones, at the same time there are houses that are built with little stones.

There are few negative aspects of this social mobilization that are consequently destructive for national integration, although their existence and acts themselves are productive. Historically and ethnically, the Chin society bears past social evils and grievances that hinder the collective movement and national integration as one people. It’s sad to learn that even some or more of our contemporary generation are still influenced by such past painful memories. Sometimes, the past social grievances or advantages conveniently place some younger generation within a smaller social units that are not supportive to the whole Chin national cause. This is true not only in social phenomenon but also in religious community. The social and religious organizations are fragmented into multiple, not because of theoretical differences but because of the past and personal preferences based personal ties and links. When these groups are motivated to deviate from the main stream national cause of the time, they become obstacles if not destructive. For example, there are some social organizations that are formed based on locality among dearest and nearest. And when a person is affiliated to any particular social organization or group, as the traditional social hierarchical social orders till play very impotent role, the level of submission is so fixed that hinders him or her to think independently. Therefore, it is important that the social actors are always aware of their leadership role, not to motivate people with a closed ended goal, but to direct their members’ social attention to the national cause what the history deadly demands at this moment.

When I was a member of CNF, I was told that “one people one party” as our hidden policy. That means the existence of any other revolutionary party or organization was strongly against by the CNF leadership that caused loss of lives and blood in the earlier years of the CNF. As the portrayal of our human instinct nature, the CNF experienced the unavoidable explosion of human ambitious emotional confrontation among the leaders which caused a group continued to takeover the party and the rest leaving with internal wounds and scars. The CNF leaders continued holding the same old rod until the Chin National Council (CNC) was formed in 1996 that the CNF leaders and supporters didn’t like the existence of any other political organization that has potential to take significant space within the same realm. That was one of the reasons the CNC was discontinued. As a result of such old fashion revolutionary ideas, there was conflict between the CNF and the ZRA that also caused killings and blame-game. Time past by and the reality became more obvious to the minds of the activists. The appearance of the ZRA, ZNC, CNLD devaluated the old idea of one people one political party among the Chin opposition campers. As the result of the recent political development, there is much less change for inter-ethnic conflict. The moment of emotional clash is past. The adversarial political attitude has changed to a dating moment, each acting like having enough confidence in securing their potential political territory and opportunity, and now the time comes when and where those leaders should focus on the national integration and strategic approach to meet the historical national demand of the time.

After securing the inner leadership circle with dearest and nearest, the CNF leadership has signaled its change in hidden policy, recognizing the existence of other political parties and organizations As Salai Za Ceu Lian mentioned in his article, the Chin Consensus Building was the first step in a right direction, to alter the rough inter-ethnic relationship among the Chin dissidents which I hope will continue functioning as the mother board for the whole Chin national politics. The outcome of the Chin Consensus Building, called PAC is composed of the Chin national figures in exiles, having certain level of influence within their own respective community. The integration of the PAC policy and programs is another challenge. If it fails, it would be just a political community which will eventually be exploited by some, on the other hand, if it success, it could pave the future common national path. In my opinion, if the PAC programs are integrated to the respective political set, it would enhance the cohesiveness of the Chin national political forces.

Not only for the political context of the pro-democratic movement, the PAC can also
be means to foresee the future potential political chaos and social disorder in the Chin society and implement policy to prevent it. For example, those political activists and voluntary revolutionaries, who have been paying the price for the political transition from dictatorship to democracy, will be one day honored in the public square with the expenses of the public treasury. Each one should be rewarded for whatever she or he has sacrificed for the cause the common good that one’s sacrifice should not be a threat to another’s interest and life. At the same time, the one who deserves flower should be rewarded flower, but not bullet. Moreover, the PAC is also expected to arrange and bridge wherever and whenever different parties and groups have contradicting interest and stances among the Chins. For example, the PAC would be the best political tool to assist in making collective decision whenever necessary. There was no available political tool to make a collective decision during the Aung San’ persuasive movement in 1946-7 to sign the Pang Long agreement. Should there be the tri-partite talk or similar transitional political arrangement, as demanded and expected by the opposition, the PAC would be the most suitable political tool to assist and integrate the interests of the stakeholders.

It is encouraging that some of the Chin leaders are becoming more popular among the non-Burma ethnic groups as well as among Burmese dissidents. The current secretary of the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) and of the National Democratic Front (NDF) are Chin nationals. Moreover, there are some more who have voice among the Burmese dissidents and who often speak at the UN forums. Assuming those leaders, who are stationed in Thailand, do not share room with one Burmese dissident who built 3 million baths worth building in Thailand or share a portion with a member (of NCUB?) who run away from Washington D.C. to Thailand with 1 million baths worth currency. Our Chin leaders will one day return home with integrity and achievement for our people. Everyone must be one day rewarded for whatever good he or she has done for our national cause. This shows one aspect of the good chance the Chins people have in the time of trouble under the military dictatorship, promising us that by accumulating social political capitals and power, and intellectual capacity, we all will one day see the daylight from the east. So then we all will one day able to say, “We say what we think, and we do what we say” in our own home land.

Note: Further discussion is opened.